Property getters and setters

There are two kinds of object properties.

The first kind is data properties . We already know how to work with them. All properties that we’ve been using until now were data properties.

The second type of property is something new. It’s an accessor property . They are essentially functions that execute on getting and setting a value, but look like regular properties to an external code.

Getters and setters

Accessor properties are represented by “getter” and “setter” methods. In an object literal they are denoted by get and set :

The getter works when obj.propName is read, the setter – when it is assigned.

For instance, we have a user object with name and surname :

Now we want to add a fullName property, that should be "John Smith" . Of course, we don’t want to copy-paste existing information, so we can implement it as an accessor:

From the outside, an accessor property looks like a regular one. That’s the idea of accessor properties. We don’t call user.fullName as a function, we read it normally: the getter runs behind the scenes.

As of now, fullName has only a getter. If we attempt to assign user.fullName= , there will be an error:

Let’s fix it by adding a setter for user.fullName :

As the result, we have a “virtual” property fullName . It is readable and writable.

Accessor descriptors

Descriptors for accessor properties are different from those for data properties.

For accessor properties, there is no value or writable , but instead there are get and set functions.

That is, an accessor descriptor may have:

  • get – a function without arguments, that works when a property is read,
  • set – a function with one argument, that is called when the property is set,
  • enumerable – same as for data properties,
  • configurable – same as for data properties.

For instance, to create an accessor fullName with defineProperty , we can pass a descriptor with get and set :

Please note that a property can be either an accessor (has get/set methods) or a data property (has a value ), not both.

If we try to supply both get and value in the same descriptor, there will be an error:

Smarter getters/setters

Getters/setters can be used as wrappers over “real” property values to gain more control over operations with them.

For instance, if we want to forbid too short names for user , we can have a setter name and keep the value in a separate property _name :

So, the name is stored in _name property, and the access is done via getter and setter.

Technically, external code is able to access the name directly by using user._name . But there is a widely known convention that properties starting with an underscore "_" are internal and should not be touched from outside the object.

Using for compatibility

One of the great uses of accessors is that they allow to take control over a “regular” data property at any moment by replacing it with a getter and a setter and tweak its behavior.

Imagine we started implementing user objects using data properties name and age :

…But sooner or later, things may change. Instead of age we may decide to store birthday , because it’s more precise and convenient:

Now what to do with the old code that still uses age property?

We can try to find all such places and fix them, but that takes time and can be hard to do if that code is used by many other people. And besides, age is a nice thing to have in user , right?

Let’s keep it.

Adding a getter for age solves the problem:

Now the old code works too and we’ve got a nice additional property.

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Using a computed property name

The set syntax binds an object property to a function to be called when there is an attempt to set that property.


In JavaScript, a setter can be used to execute a function whenever a specified property is attempted to be changed. Setters are most often used in conjunction with getters to create a type of pseudo-property. It is not possible to simultaneously have a setter on a property that holds an actual value.

Note the following when working with the set syntax:

  • It can have an identifier which is either a number or a string;
  • It must have exactly one parameter (see Incompatible ES5 change: literal getter and setter functions must now have exactly zero or one arguments for more information);
  • It must not appear in an object literal with another set or with a data entry for the same property. ( { set x(v) { }, set x(v) { } } and { x: ..., set x(v) { } } are forbidden )

A setter can be removed using the delete operator.

Defining a setter on new objects in object initializers

This will define a pseudo-property current of object language  that, when assigned a value, will update log with that value:

Note that current is not defined and any attempts to access it will result in undefined .

Removing a setter with the delete operator

If you want to remove the setter, you can just delete it:

Defining a setter on existing objects using defineProperty

To append a setter to an existing object later at any time, use Object.defineProperty() .


Browser compatibility, spidermonkey-specific notes.

  • Starting with JavaScript 1.8.1 , setters are no longer called when setting properties in object and array initializers.
  • From SpiderMonkey 38 on, a setter with a rest parameter is a SyntaxError as per the ES2015 specification.
  • Object.defineProperty()
  • __defineGetter__
  • __defineSetter__
  • Defining Getters and Setters in JavaScript Guide

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set html property javascript

  • Housing, local and community
  • Housing and communities
  • Rented housing sector

Short-term lets rules to protect communities and keep homes available

Local residents will be protected from being pushed out of their communities by excessive short-term lets thanks to changes in planning rules.

set html property javascript

  • Planning permission will be required for future short-term lets 
  • Mandatory national register will provide valuable information and help ensure accommodation is safe
  • Proposals will give communities greater control over future growth
  • Homeowners can continue to let out their own main or sole home for up to 90 nights a year

Local residents will be protected from being pushed out of their communities by excessive short-term lets thanks to changes in planning rules announced today.

Under the reforms councils will be given greater power to control short-term lets by making them subject to the planning process. This will support local people in areas where high numbers of short-term lets are preventing them from finding housing they can afford to buy or to rent.

These changes are part of a long-term plan to prevent a “hollowing out” of communities, address anti-social behaviour and ensure local people can continue to live in the place they call home.

Meanwhile, a new mandatory national register will give local authorities the information they need about short-term lets in their area. This will help councils understand the extent of short-term lets in their area, the effects on their communities, and underpin compliance with key health and safety regulations.

Short-term lets are now a significant part of the UK’s visitor economy, and can provide increased choice and flexibility for tourists and business travellers. To recognise this, homeowners will still be able to let out their own main or sole home for up to 90 nights throughout a year without planning permission and government is considering how to apply the register so it does not apply disproportionate regulation for example on property owners that let out their home infrequently.

Secretary of State for Levelling Up Housing and Communities, Michael Gove said:

Short-term lets can play an important role in the UK’s flourishing tourism economy, providing great, easily-accessible accommodation in some of the most beautiful parts of our country. But in some areas, too many local families and young people feel they are being shut out of the housing market and denied the opportunity to rent or buy in their own community. So the government is taking action as part of its long-term plan for housing. That means delivering more of the right homes in the right places, and giving communities the power to decide. This will allow local communities to take back control and strike the right balance between protecting the visitor economy and ensuring local people get the homes they need.

Tourism Minister Julia Lopez said:

Short-term lets provide flexibility for homeowners and give tourists more accommodation options than ever before, but this should not prevent local people from being able to buy or rent homes in their area. The government is committed to getting the balance right to ensure both local people and our visitor economy can thrive.

Amanda Cupples, General Manager for Northern Europe, Airbnb said: 

The introduction of a short-term lets register is good news for everyone. Families who Host on Airbnb will benefit from clear rules that support their activity, and local authorities will get access to the information they need to assess and manage housing impacts and keep communities healthy, where necessary. We have long led calls for the introduction of a Host register and we look forward to working together to make it a success.

The proposed planning changes would see a new planning ‘use class’ created for short-term lets not used as a sole or main home. Existing dedicated short-term lets will automatically be reclassified into the new use class and will not require a planning application.

The changes are part of the government’s long-term plan for housing, unlocking more of the homes this country needs and meeting the target to deliver one million homes this Parliament, backed by £10 billion investment.

The government also intends to introduce associated permitted development rights – one allowing for a property to be changed from a short-term let to a standard residential dwelling, and a second that would allow a property to be changed to a short-term let. Local authorities would be able to remove these permissions and require full planning permission if they deem it necessary.

Both of these measures are focussed on short-term lets, and therefore the planning changes and the register will not affect hotels, hostels or B&Bs.

Further details of these measures will be set out in the government’s response to the consultations, including the timeline for implementation of the register, the use class and the individual permitted development rights - with the changes being introduced from this summer.

Alistair Handyside MBE, Executive Chair of the Professional Association of Self Caterers UK (PASC UK), said:

We welcome the introduction of a registration scheme for short term lets in England. This is widely supported by accommodation providers and will finally provide real data on our sector. This is a first and important step to creating a level playing field for operators and we look forward to working with the government on the detail of the introduction of the register.

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Trump’s Harsh Punishment Was Made Possible by This New York Law

The little-known measure meant hundreds of millions in penalties in the civil fraud case brought by Attorney General Letitia James.

  • Share full article

Letitia James sits in court behind Donald Trump, who is blurred and out of focus.

By Ben Protess and Jonah E. Bromwich

The $355 million penalty that a New York judge ordered Donald J. Trump to pay in his civil fraud trial might seem steep in a case with no victim calling for redress and no star witness pointing the finger at Mr. Trump. But a little-known 70-year-old state law made the punishment possible.

The law, often referred to by its shorthand, 63(12), which stems from its place in New York’s rule book, is a regulatory bazooka for the state’s attorney general, Letitia James. Her office has used it to aim at a wide range of corporate giants: the oil company Exxon Mobil, the tobacco brand Juul and the pharma executive Martin Shkreli.

On Friday, the law enabled Ms. James to win an enormous victory against Mr. Trump. Along with the financial penalty , the judge barred Mr. Trump from running a business in New York for three years. His adult sons were barred for two years.

The judge also ordered a monitor, Barbara Jones, to assume more power over Mr. Trump’s company, and asked her to appoint an independent executive to report to her from within the company.

A lawyer for Mr. Trump, Christopher M. Kise, reacted with fury, saying “the sobering future consequences of this tyrannical abuse of power do not just impact President Trump.”

“When a court willingly allows a reckless government official to meddle in the lawful, private and profitable affairs of any citizen based on political bias, America’s economic prosperity and way of life are at extreme risk of extinction,” he said.

In the Trump case, Ms. James accused the former president of inflating his net worth to obtain favorable loans and other financial benefits. Mr. Trump, she argued, defrauded his lenders and in doing so, undermined the integrity of New York’s business world.

Mr. Trump’s conduct “distorts the market,” Kevin Wallace, a lawyer for Ms. James’s office, said during closing arguments in the civil fraud trial.

“It prices out honest borrowers and can lead to more catastrophic results,” Mr. Wallace said, adding, “That’s why it’s important for the court to take the steps to protect the marketplace to prevent this from happening again.”

Yet the victims — the bankers who lent to Mr. Trump — testified that they were thrilled to have him as a client. And while a parade of witnesses echoed Ms. James’s claim that the former president’s annual financial statements were works of fiction, none offered evidence showing that Mr. Trump explicitly intended to fool the banks.

That might seem unusual, but under 63(12), such evidence was not necessary to find fraud.

The law did not require the attorney general to show that Mr. Trump had intended to defraud anyone or that his actions resulted in financial loss.

“This law packs a wallop,” said Steven M. Cohen, a former federal prosecutor and top official in the attorney general’s office, noting that it did not require the attorney general to show that anyone had been harmed.

With that low bar, Justice Arthur F. Engoron, the judge presiding over the case, sided with Ms. James on her core claim before the trial began, finding that Mr. Trump had engaged in a pattern of fraud by exaggerating the value of his assets in statements filed to his lenders.

Ms. James’s burden of proof at the trial was higher: To persuade the judge that Mr. Trump had violated other state laws, she had to convince him that the former president acted with intent. And some of the evidence helped her cause: Two of Mr. Trump’s former employees testified that he had final sign-off on the financial statements, and Mr. Trump admitted on the witness stand that he had a role in drafting them.

Still, her ability to extract further punishments based on those other violations is also a product of 63(12), which grants the attorney general the right to pursue those who engage in “repeated fraudulent or illegal acts.”

In other fraud cases, authorities must persuade a judge or jury that someone was in fact defrauded. But 63(12) required Ms. James only to show that conduct was deceptive or created “an atmosphere conducive to fraud.” Past cases suggest that the word “fraud” itself is effectively a synonym for dishonest conduct, the attorney general argued in her lawsuit.

Once the attorney general has convinced a judge or jury that a defendant has acted deceptively, the punishment can be severe. The law allows Ms. James to seek the forfeit of money obtained through fraud.

Of the roughly $355 million that Mr. Trump was ordered to pay, $168 million represents the sum that Mr. Trump saved on loans by inflating his worth, she argued. In other words, the extra interest the lenders missed.

The penalty was in the judge’s hands — there was no jury — and 63(12) gave him wide discretion.

The law also empowered Justice Engoron to set new restrictions on Mr. Trump and his family business, all of which Mr. Trump is expected to appeal.

The judge also ordered a monitor to assume more power over Mr. Trump’s company, who will appoint an independent executive who will report to the monitor from within the company.

Even before she filed her lawsuit against the Trumps in 2022, Ms. James used 63(12) as a cudgel to aid her investigation.

The law grants the attorney general’s office something akin to prosecutorial investigative power. In most civil cases, a person or entity planning to sue cannot collect documents or conduct interviews until after the lawsuit is filed. But 63(12) allows the attorney general to do a substantive investigation before deciding whether to sue, settle or abandon a case. In the case against Mr. Trump, the investigation proceeded for nearly three years before a lawsuit was filed.

The case is not Mr. Trump’s first brush with 63(12). Ms. James’s predecessors used it in actions against Trump University, his for-profit education venture, which paid millions of dollars to resolve the case.

The law became so important to Ms. James’s civil fraud case that it caught the attention of Mr. Trump, who lamented the sweeping authority it afforded the attorney general and falsely claimed that her office rarely used it.

He wrote on social media last year that 63(12) was “VERY UNFAIR.”

William K. Rashbaum contributed reporting.

Ben Protess is an investigative reporter at The Times, writing about public corruption. He has been covering the various criminal investigations into former President Trump and his allies. More about Ben Protess

Jonah E. Bromwich covers criminal justice in New York, with a focus on the Manhattan district attorney's office, state criminal courts in Manhattan and New York City's jails. More about Jonah E. Bromwich

N.J. property taxes break another record. Will you pay more than $10K in 2024? Some already are.

  • Updated: Feb. 20, 2024, 1:15 p.m. |
  • Published: Feb. 19, 2024, 3:45 p.m.
  • Jelani Gibson | NJ Advance Media for

New Jersey’s average property taxes for 2023 were the highest yet in a state that already socks residents with some of the most expensive bills in the nation.

The average property tax bill for homeowners in the Garden State hit a record $9,803, according to new data posted by the state Department of Community Affairs. That’s up from a previous record high of $9,490 in 2022.

The 3% increase is roughly in line with the latest inflation rates from the federal Bureau of Labor Statistics. However, the $313 increase is the highest highest year-to-year since Gov. Phil Murphy took office in 2018.

The current trend indicates that sooner rather than later the majority of homeowners in the Garden State will be paying more than $10,000 in property taxes.

Nearly a third of the state’s counties have already passed that $10,000 mark: Bergen, Essex, Hunterdon, Monmouth, Morris, Passaic, Somerset, and Union.

Essex County homeowners paid an average of $13,448, the highest in the state. The average for Bergen and Union residences topped $12,000. Homeowners in Cumberland, New Jersey’s poorest county, paid the least, an average of 4,840, according to the data.

New Jersey property taxes were already sky-high compared to other states. In 2022, the median property taxes paid in the Garden State were tops in the nation.

The state’s data does not factor in property tax relief programs that state leaders put in place — such as ANCHOR, which paid more than $2.1 billion to homeowners and renters for the 2020 benefit year, and the Senior Freeze, which reimburses eligible homeowners for property tax increases.

ANCHOR allows eligible homeowners and renters in the state to apply for rebates of $450 to $1,750. Senior Freeze reimburses senior citizens and disabled persons.

To qualify for Senior Freeze, your 2022 income must be $150,000 or less and 2023 income must be $163,050 or less, according to state info. The application deadline is Oct. 31, 2024.

County, municipal and school budget costs determine the amount of property tax to be paid. The local budget needs of the town and its taxable property also play a role.

Property taxes can vary by town. The rate a municipality charges and how much the town says a home is worth can determine a homeowners bill.

For some municipalities, the value of the home is based on an open market valuation and in other instances the length of time since the last reevaluation becomes the driving factor. The latter has encountered criticism for potentially leading to lower assessed values and what can sometimes be higher tax rates.

Property taxes have gone up under both Republican and Democratic governors.

In addition to installing property tax relief programs, Murphy, a Democrat, has said sharing services among municipalities and increasing school aid, which makes up the largest portion of property taxes, helps lessen the burden.

NJ Advance Media staff writer Karin Price Mueller contributed to this report.

Jelani Gibson is a staff writer for NJ Advance Media and content lead for NJ Cannabis Insider. He may be reached at [email protected] . Follow him on X at @jelanigibson1 and on LinkedIn .

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A property owners’ best friend. What auditors can do about record high property bills.

"the county auditor does not set tax rates; instead our role is to fairly and equitably value property," george w. "bill" kitzler.

Property taxes.

George W. "Bill" Kitzler, County Auditors' Association of Ohio President, Wyandot County Auditor

Property owners across Ohio are feeling the pain with record high property tax bills and are looking for help to ease their burden.

Ohio’s county auditors are often blamed for higher property taxes from increased property values and voter approved levies. In the journey for tax relief, county auditors are actually the property owners’ best friend and are here to help the Ohio Legislature pass meaningful policy reform.

What does a county auditor do?

A county auditor’s duties are specifically outlined in Ohio statute – meaning we can only perform the duties the Ohio Legislature has given us the ability and permission to perform.

Three-year property value update cycles, less and less meaningful homestead and owner occupancy savings for seniors and property owners, CAUV values, and inside millage with school 20 mill floor revenue guarantees are all changes to state law that have had a direct impact on taxpayers.

Ohio auditor: 'We feel the pain' but can't do anything about property tax strain. Here's why.

The county auditor does not set tax rates; instead our role is to fairly and equitably value property.

We apply the exemptions, credits, abatements, and tax rates that are approved by the Ohio Legislature and the voters. County Auditors have been warning legislators for years that funding decisions being made at the state level are increasing the local property tax burden which pay for essential services that impact the day-to-day life of our citizens.

What has been lost in Ohio?

Ohio local governments were previously supported by a wide variety of tax dollars through state revenue.

The tangible personal property tax was abolished without filling those dollars at the local level meaning levies made up the difference. The local government fund, which was a portion of the state general fund used heavily by townships and others, has been reduced in excess of 50% meaning levies make up the difference.

The removal of the Medicaid Managed Care Organization (MCO Sales Tax) without a replacement of those dollars to local entities at the state level has forced additional levies to make up the difference.

The list could go on and on, however the point is simple: Ohio property owners now have a much higher portion of the financial burden to pave our roads, fund our police, teach our kids, and provide the services you need.

Franklin County auditor: The problem is not how your property is valued. There's a more expensive issue

Voters have approved levy after levy to keep services going, and now, with a record-breaking real estate market, the consequences of these actions have created a perfect storm for taxpayers. This is not to mention the growing number of exemptions, abatements, and state approved discounts for property taxpayers which lead to higher rates for other properties.

County auditors have ideas and policy reforms to help address the strong need for changes to the property tax system in Ohio. We have been given a seat at the table and are grateful for the opportunity to work with state leaders to make a big difference for our property owners.

JS Reference

Html events, html objects, other references, html dom element style.

Change the color of "myH1":

Get the value of a "myP"s top-border:


The style property returns the values of an element's style attribute.

The style property returns a CSSStyleDeclaration object.

The CSSStyleDeclaration object contains all inline styles properties for the element. It does not contain any style properties set in the <head> section or in any external style sheets.

You cannot set a style like this:

You must use a CSS property like this:

JavaScript syntax is slightly different from CSS syntax: backgroundColor / background-color.

See our Full Style Object Reference .

Use this style property instead of the The setAttribute() Method , to prevent overwriting other properties in the style attribute.

The CSS Tutorial

The CSS Reference

The Style Object

The HTML <style> tag


Return a style property:

Set a style property:

Return Value

Browser support. is a DOM Level 2 (2001) feature.

It is fully supported in all browsers:

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Report Error

If you want to report an error, or if you want to make a suggestion, do not hesitate to send us an e-mail:

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