Term Paper: Globalization – Definition & Types | Processes | Economics

term paper about globalization

After reading this term paper you will learn about:- 1. Definition of Globalization 2. Phases of Globalization 3. Types  4. Measurement 5. Factors 6. Effects 7. Advantages 8. Disadvantages.

Term Paper on Globalization

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  • Term Paper on the Disadvantages of Globalization

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1. Term Paper on Globalization (Definition):

Globalization is the process of organizing the whole world into a single integrated marketing unit. It is also defined as the process of trans border free flow of products, services, people, culture, technology, and finance.

It leads to the integration of economic, cultural, political, and social systems across national borders Globalization is also referred to as internationalization by some persons. Both these terms are used as synonyms. However, some people use these terms separately.

With various globalization such as phases of globalization, types (kinds) of globalization, global connectivity, measurement of globalization, factors affecting globalization, advantages of globalization and disadvantages of globalization.

ADVERTISEMENTS: (adsbygoogle = window.adsbygoogle || []).push({}); 2. Term Paper on Globalization (Phases):

Globalization is not a new phenomenon. It started with human civilization.

In the past 130 years, modern historians have identified three stages or phases of globalization, viz.:

(i) First phase,

(ii) Second phase, and

(iii) Third phase.

i. First Phase of Globalization:

This phase of globalization started from 1870 and ended in 1913 with outbreak of the First World War.

The main features of first phase are given below:

(i) There was marked mobility of capital.

(ii) The labour mobility was high.

(iii) The magnitude of free trade was limited.

(iv) The global institutions were non-existent.

(v) The National Institutions were heterogeneous and were not well organized.

The First World War had adverse effects on the process of globalization i.e. flow of products, services, labour, and technology across the countries. It started resuming since 1930 gain and got setback from 1940 to 1944 due to Second World War.

ii. Second Phase of Globalization:

The second phase of globalization started from 1945 and culminated in 1973.

The main features of this phase are given below:

(i) The mobility of capital was low than first phase.

(ii) The labour mobility was low.

(iii) The magnitude of free trade was low.

(iv) The global Institutions were getting created during this period.

(v) The National Institutions were heterogeneous and were not standardizes.

iii. Third Phase of Globalization:

The third phase of globalization started from 1974 and is still in progress. It is also known as the current phase of globalization.

Main features of this phase are given below:

(i) The mobility of the capital is high.

(ii) The labour mobility is low.

(iii) The magnitude of free trade is extreme.

(iv) The International Institutes started functioning.

(v) The National Institutions have been standardized.

(vi) The on line global transactions are possible.

(vii) Information technology is being used extensively.

ADVERTISEMENTS: (adsbygoogle = window.adsbygoogle || []).push({}); 3. Term Paper on Globalization (Types):

There are five main types of globalization, viz.:

i. Economic Globalization:

It refers to trans-country flow of capital/finance or money.

Main effects of economic globalization are:

(a) Enhancement in world-wide economic relationships.

(b) Increase in international trade at a faster rate than the growth in the world economy..

(c) Increase in international flow of capital including foreign direct investment.

(d) Creation, of international agreements leading to organizations like the WTO and OPEC.

(e) Development of global financial systems.

(f) Increased role of international organizations such as WTO, WIPO, and IMF that deal with international transactions.

(g) Increase of economic practices like outsourcing, by multinational corporations.

ii. Production Globalization:

It refers to trans-country flow of goods or products. It leads to transnational production of various goods or products. In such system, a product can be manufactured in several countries of the world with same quality.

iii. Cultural Globalization:

It refers to trans-country flow of culture.

The main effects of cultural globalization are:

(a) Greater international cultural exchange,

(b) Spreading of multiculturalism, and better individual access to cultural diversity,

(c) Greater international travel and tourism,

(d) Greater immigration, including illegal immigration

(e) Spread of local foods such as pizza and Indian food to other countries

(f) Development of a global telecommunications infrastructure and greater trans-border data flow, using such technologies as the Internet, communication satellites and telephones.

(g) Increase in the number of standards applied globally; e.g. copyright laws and patents.

(h) Formation or development of a set of universal values.

(i) Spread of local goods, dresses and language to other countries.

iv. Information Globalization:

It refers to trans-border flow of knowledge, ideas and information. It is also known as communication globalization or technological globalization. It makes use of information technology and permits on line global transactions.

v. Ecological Globalization:

It refers to global protection of ecosystem from degradation and pollution.

Main features of ecological globalization are given below:

(a) It prevents ecosystem from various types of risks.

(b) It requires global collective action.

(c) It is also known as ecosystem globalization or environmental globalization.

(d) It leads to protection of environment globalization.

4. Term Paper on Globalization (Measurement):

The rate or extent of globalization is measured on yearly basis.

Different types of globalizations are measured separately as follows:

The data transfer border flow of capital or finance or money and direct foreign investment.

The data of trans country mobility of goods and products.

The mobility of tourist, travellers, and traders across the countries.

The data of information flow across the borders.

The work done for the protection of global ecosystem.

5. Term Paper on Globalization (Factors):

The rate of globalization is affected by several factors such as:

(i) Global Atmosphere:

The peaceful global atmosphere promotes globalization, whereas the war situation restricts globalization. The globalization was adversely affected during First and Second World war period.

(ii) Natural Calamities:

Natural calamities such as earth quake, tornadoes, floods and disease epidemic have adverse effects on the rate of globalization.

(iii) International Relationships:

Harmonious relationships among countries enhance the rate of globalization, whereas disharmonious relationships restrict the process of globalization.

(iv) Means of Transportation:

Better means of transportation among countries promotes globalization, whereas poor transportation system restricts the globalization.

(v) Means of Communication:

Better means of communication promotes globalization, whereas poor means of communication restricts the globalization.

(vi) Tourist Places:

Good and large number of tourist places in a country will attract tourists and travelers and vice versa.

(vii) Demand:

The demand of goods, services and information in other countries will enhance the international trade and the globalization.

6. Term Paper on Globalization (Effects):

The globalization has effects on movement of goods, services, information, finance, people, spread of cultures and ideas, markets, export and intellectual properties etc.

These are briefly discussed below:

i. Flow of Goods, Services Information etc.:

There is enhancement in the information flow between geographically remote locations and more trans-border data flow using communication satellites, the Internet, wireless telephones etc.

ii. Markets:

The global common market has a freedom of exchange of goods and capital. The worldwide production and financial markets emerge. The free trade zones are formed having less or no tariffs.

iii. Access to Goods and Finance:

There is a broad access to a range of goods for consumers and companies. Corporate, national and sub-national borrowers have a better access to external finance.

iv. Solution of Global Problems:

Global environmental problems like cross- boundary pollution, over fishing on oceans, climate changes are solved by discussions International criminal courts and international justice movements are launched.

v. Uniform Standards:

The standards applied globally like patents, copyright laws and world trade agreements increase.

vi. Spread of Culture:

Globalization leads to spread of cultures as there is individual access to cultural diversity. This diversity decreases due to hybridization or assimilation. There is enhancement in worldwide fads and pop culture. The cross-cultural contacts grow and cultural diffusion takes place.

vii. Movement of People:

The international travel and tourism increases and immigration between countries increases. The worldwide sporting events like the Olympic Games and the FIFA World Cup are held. The free circulation of people of different nations leads to social benefits.

viii. Export:

The local consumer products are exported to other countries. There is an increase in the desire to use foreign ideas and products, adopt new practices and technologies and be a part of world culture.

ix. Reduction in Transport Cost and Subsidies:

Due to development of containerization for ocean shipping, the transportation costs are reduced. The subsidies for local businesses decrease and there is reduction in capital controls.

x. Recognition of Intellectual Property:

There is supranational recognition of intellectual property restrictions i.e. patents authorized by one country are recognized in another.

7. Term Paper on Globalization (Advantages):

Some important advantages of globalization are listed below:

i. Connectivity:

People around the world are more connected to each other than ever before. Global mass media connects all the people in the world.

ii. Relationships:

The relationships between counties improve and the possibility of war between the developed countries decreases. The interdependence among Nations increases.

iii. Freedom of Trade:

It increases free trade between countries and reduces the international barriers.

iv. Investment Opportunity:

As the liquidity of capital increases, developed countries can invest in developing ones. The flexibility of corporations to operate across borders increases.

v. Integration:

It leads to integration or consolidation of global markets. In other words the markets are interlinked. It is much easier for people to travel, communicate and do business internationally.

vi. Quality and Price:

There is improvement in quality and reduction in price due to competition among different companies.

vii. Flow of Goods and Services:

Information, money, technology and products flow across the border quicker than ever before. Products produced in one part of a country are available to the rest of the world. There is increase flow of communication between the individuals and corporations in the world. The movement of goods and people across the border is faster than ever before.

viii. Standard of Living:

Globalization offers a higher standard of living for people in rich countries and is the only realistic route out of poverty for the world’s poor. It is claimed that globalization increases the economic prosperity and opportunity in the developing world. All the countries involved in the free trade are at a profit. As a result, there are lower prices, more employment and a better standard of life in these developing nations.

ix. Efficient use of Resources:

The civil liberties are enhanced and there is a more efficient use of resources. The environmental protection in developed countries increases.

x. Spread of Culture:

Globalization leads to better cultural understanding and tolerance. Due to improved transport facilities, more and more people are traveling to different countries, thereby spreading their culture to other parts of the world. Reduction of cultural barriers increases the global village effect. There is spread of democratic ideals.

8. Term Paper on Globalization (Disadvantages):

There are some disadvantages of globalization which are listed below:

i. Increase in Population:

Trans country flow of people will lead to increase in the population of certain countries especially in developed countries due to better facilities.

ii. Small Industries:

It will have adverse effects on small scale industries which cannot compete in global market in terms of quality and price, Thus there will be hold of big industries.

iii. Employment:

There will be adverse effect on employment due to close down of small industries.

iv. Monetary Gain:

This will lead to tough competition among companies leading to loss in monetary gain.

v. Terrorism:

Trans border flow of people may lead to increase in criminal activities and terrorism.

vi. Spread of Diseases:

There is greater risk of unintentional transmission of diseases between nations,

vii. This may lead to widening of gap between rich and poor countries.

viii. This may lead to exploitation of workers specially labours.

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ENCYCLOPEDIC ENTRY

Globalization.

Globalization is a term used to describe the increasing connectedness and interdependence of world cultures and economies.

Anthropology, Sociology, Social Studies, Civics, Economics

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Freight trains waiting to be loaded with cargo to transport around the United Kingdom. This cargo comes from around the world and contains all kinds of goods and products.

Photograph by Bloomberg

Freight trains waiting to be loaded with cargo to transport around the United Kingdom. This cargo comes from around the world and contains all kinds of goods and products.

Globalization is a term used to describe how trade and technology have made the world into a more connected and interdependent place. Globalization also captures in its scope the economic and social changes that have come about as a result. It may be pictured as the threads of an immense spider web formed over millennia, with the number and reach of these threads increasing over time. People, money, material goods, ideas, and even disease and devastation have traveled these silken strands, and have done so in greater numbers and with greater speed than ever in the present age. When did globalization begin? The Silk Road, an ancient network of trade routes across China, Central Asia, and the Mediterranean used between 50 B.C.E. and 250 C.E., is perhaps the most well-known early example of exchanging ideas, products, and customs. As with future globalizing booms, new technologies played a key role in the Silk Road trade. Advances in metallurgy led to the creation of coins; advances in transportation led to the building of roads connecting the major empires of the day; and increased agricultural production meant more food could be trafficked between locales. Along with Chinese silk, Roman glass, and Arabian spices, ideas such as Buddhist beliefs and the secrets of paper-making also spread via these tendrils of trade. Unquestionably, these types of exchanges were accelerated in the Age of Exploration, when European explorers seeking new sea routes to the spices and silks of Asia bumped into the Americas instead. Again, technology played an important role in the maritime trade routes that flourished between old and newly discovered continents. New ship designs and the creation of the magnetic compass were key to the explorers’ successes. Trade and idea exchange now extended to a previously unconnected part of the world, where ships carrying plants, animals, and Spanish silver between the Old World and the New also carried Christian missionaries. The web of globalization continued to spin out through the Age of Revolution, when ideas about liberty , equality , and fraternity spread like fire from America to France to Latin America and beyond. It rode the waves of industrialization , colonization , and war through the eighteenth, nineteenth, and twentieth centuries, powered by the invention of factories, railways, steamboats, cars, and planes. With the Information Age, globalization went into overdrive. Advances in computer and communications technology launched a new global era and redefined what it meant to be “connected.” Modern communications satellites meant the 1964 Summer Olympics in Tokyo could be watched in the United States for the first time. The World Wide Web and the Internet allowed someone in Germany to read about a breaking news story in Bolivia in real time. Someone wishing to travel from Boston, Massachusetts, to London, England, could do so in hours rather than the week or more it would have taken a hundred years ago. This digital revolution massively impacted economies across the world as well: they became more information-based and more interdependent. In the modern era, economic success or failure at one focal point of the global web can be felt in every major world economy. The benefits and disadvantages of globalization are the subject of ongoing debate. The downside to globalization can be seen in the increased risk for the transmission of diseases like ebola or severe acute respiratory syndrome (SARS), or in the kind of environmental harm that scientist Paul R. Furumo has studied in microcosm in palm oil plantations in the tropics. Globalization has of course led to great good, too. Richer nations now can—and do—come to the aid of poorer nations in crisis. Increasing diversity in many countries has meant more opportunity to learn about and celebrate other cultures. The sense that there is a global village, a worldwide “us,” has emerged.

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World History Project - Origins to the Present

Course: world history project - origins to the present   >   unit 7, read: introduction to globalization.

  • READ: International Institutions
  • READ: Rise of China
  • BEFORE YOU WATCH: Eradicating Smallpox
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  • BEFORE YOU WATCH: Global China into the 21st Century
  • WATCH: Global China into the 21st Century
  • READ: Goods Across the World
  • BEFORE YOU WATCH: Globalization I - The Upside
  • WATCH: Globalization I - The Upside
  • BEFORE YOU WATCH: Nonviolence and Peace Movements
  • WATCH: Nonviolence and Peace Movements
  • READ: Population and Environmental Trends, 1880 to the Present
  • READ: Is the World Flat or Spiky?
  • Global Interactions and Institutions

First read: preview and skimming for gist

Second read: key ideas and understanding content.

  • What late twentieth-century trends, according to the author, led people to create the term “globalization”?
  • What are some historical trends that accelerated globalization before the late twentieth century?
  • What are some impacts of globalization in terms of migration and economics?
  • What are some positive impacts of globalization, according to the author?
  • What are some negative impacts of globalization, according to the author?

Third read: evaluating and corroborating

  • What does globalization look like from your perspective? How does it affect your family and community? Do you think it has been a good thing for you? Why or why not?
  • Globalization looks very differently studied through each of the three course frames. Pick one of the three course frames and describe the effects of globalization on your home town or neighborhood using only that frame narrative. How would your results have been different if you had chosen a different frame?

Introduction to Globalization

What is globalization, globalization’s effect on communities and economies, the pros and cons of globalization, want to join the conversation.

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Globalization

Covering a wide range of distinct political, economic, and cultural trends, the term “globalization” remains crucial to contemporary political and academic debate. In contemporary popular discourse, globalization often functions as little more than a synonym for one or more of the following phenomena: the pursuit of classical liberal (or “free market”) policies in the world economy (“economic liberalization”), the growing dominance of western (or even American) forms of political, economic, and cultural life (“westernization” or “Americanization”), a global political order built on liberal notions of international law (the “global liberal order”), an ominous network of top-down rule by global elites (“globalism” or “global technocracy”), the proliferation of new information technologies (the “Internet Revolution”), as well as the notion that humanity stands at the threshold of realizing one single unified community in which major sources of social conflict have vanished (“global integration”). Globalization is a politically-contested phenomenon about which there are significant disagreements and struggles, with many nationalist and populist movements and leaders worldwide (including Turkey’s Recep Erdoğan, Hungary’s Viktor Orbán, and former US President Donald Trump) pushing back against what they view as its unappealing features.

Fortunately, recent social theory has formulated a more precise concept of globalization than those typically offered by politicians and pundits. Although sharp differences continue to separate participants in the ongoing debate about the term, most contemporary social theorists endorse the view that globalization refers to fundamental changes in the spatial and temporal contours of social existence, according to which the significance of space or territory undergoes shifts in the face of a no less dramatic acceleration in the temporal structure of crucial forms of human activity. Geographical distance is typically measured in time. As the time necessary to connect distinct geographical locations is reduced, distance or space undergoes compression or “annihilation.” The human experience of space is intimately connected to the temporal structure of those activities by means of which we experience space. Changes in the temporality of human activity inevitably generate altered experiences of space or territory. Theorists of globalization disagree about the precise sources of recent shifts in the spatial and temporal contours of human life. Nonetheless, they generally agree that alterations in humanity’s experiences of space and time are working to undermine the importance of local and even national boundaries in many arenas of human endeavor. Since globalization contains far-reaching implications for virtually every facet of human life, it necessarily suggests the need to rethink key questions of normative political theory.

1. Globalization in the History of Ideas

2. globalization in contemporary social theory, 3. the normative challenges of globalization, other internet resources, related entries.

The term globalization has only become commonplace in the last three decades, and academic commentators who employed the term as late as the 1970s accurately recognized the novelty of doing so (Modelski 1972). At least since the advent of industrial capitalism, however, intellectual discourse has been replete with allusions to phenomena strikingly akin to those that have garnered the attention of recent theorists of globalization. Nineteenth and twentieth-century philosophy, literature, and social commentary include numerous references to an inchoate yet widely shared awareness that experiences of distance and space are inevitably transformed by the emergence of high-speed forms of transportation (for example, rail and air travel) and communication (the telegraph or telephone) that dramatically heighten possibilities for human interaction across existing geographical and political divides (Harvey 1989; Kern 1983). Long before the introduction of the term globalization into recent popular and scholarly debate, the appearance of novel high-speed forms of social activity generated extensive commentary about the compression of space.

Writing in 1839, an English journalist commented on the implications of rail travel by anxiously postulating that as distance was “annihilated, the surface of our country would, as it were, shrivel in size until it became not much bigger than one immense city” (Harvey 1996, 242). A few years later, Heinrich Heine, the émigré German-Jewish poet, captured this same experience when he noted: “space is killed by the railways. I feel as if the mountains and forests of all countries were advancing on Paris. Even now, I can smell the German linden trees; the North Sea’s breakers are rolling against my door” (Schivelbusch 1978, 34). Another young German émigré, the socialist theorist Karl Marx, in 1848 formulated the first theoretical explanation of the sense of territorial compression that so fascinated his contemporaries. In Marx’s account, the imperatives of capitalist production inevitably drove the bourgeoisie to “nestle everywhere, settle everywhere, and establish connections everywhere.” The juggernaut of industrial capitalism constituted the most basic source of technologies resulting in the annihilation of space, helping to pave the way for “intercourse in every direction, universal interdependence of nations,” in contrast to a narrow-minded provincialism that had plagued humanity for untold eons (Marx 1848, 476). Despite their ills as instruments of capitalist exploitation, Marx argued, new technologies that increased possibilities for human interaction across borders ultimately represented a progressive force in history. They provided the necessary infrastructure for a cosmopolitan future socialist civilization, while simultaneously functioning in the present as indispensable organizational tools for a working class destined to undertake a revolution no less oblivious to traditional territorial divisions than the system of capitalist exploitation it hoped to dismantle.

European intellectuals have hardly been alone in their fascination with the experience of territorial compression, as evinced by the key role played by the same theme in early twentieth-century American thought. In 1904, the literary figure Henry Adams diagnosed the existence of a “law of acceleration,” fundamental to the workings of social development, in order to make sense of the rapidly changing spatial and temporal contours of human activity. Modern society could only be properly understood if the seemingly irrepressible acceleration of basic technological and social processes was given a central place in social and historical analysis (Adams 1931 [1904]). John Dewey argued in 1927 that recent economic and technological trends implied the emergence of a “new world” no less noteworthy than the opening up of America to European exploration and conquest in 1492. For Dewey, the invention of steam, electricity, and the telephone offered formidable challenges to relatively static and homogeneous forms of local community life that had long represented the main theatre for most human activity. Economic activity increasingly exploded the confines of local communities to a degree that would have stunned our historical predecessors, for example, while the steamship, railroad, automobile, and air travel considerably intensified rates of geographical mobility. Dewey went beyond previous discussions of the changing temporal and spatial contours of human activity, however, by suggesting that the compression of space posed fundamental questions for democracy. Dewey observed that small-scale political communities (for example, the New England township), a crucial site for the exercise of effective democratic participation, seemed ever more peripheral to the great issues of an interconnected world. Increasingly dense networks of social ties across borders rendered local forms of self-government ineffective. Dewey wondered, “How can a public be organized, we may ask, when literally it does not stay in place?” (Dewey 1927, 140). To the extent that democratic citizenship minimally presupposes the possibility of action in concert with others, how might citizenship be sustained in a social world subject to ever more astonishing possibilities for movement and mobility? New high-speed technologies attributed a shifting and unstable character to social life, as demonstrated by increased rates of change and turnover in many arenas of activity (most important perhaps, the economy) directly affected by them, and the relative fluidity and inconstancy of social relations there. If citizenship requires some modicum of constancy and stability in social life, however, did not recent changes in the temporal and spatial conditions of human activity bode poorly for political participation? How might citizens come together and act in concert when contemporary society’s “mania for motion and speed” made it difficult for them even to get acquainted with one another, let alone identify objects of common concern? (Dewey 1927, 140).

The unabated proliferation of high-speed technologies is probably the main source of the numerous references in intellectual life since 1950 to the annihilation of distance. The Canadian cultural critic Marshall McLuhan made the theme of a technologically based “global village,” generated by social “acceleration at all levels of human organization,” the centerpiece of an anxiety-ridden analysis of new media technologies in the 1960s (McLuhan 1964, 103). Arguing in the 1970s and 1980s that recent shifts in the spatial and temporal contours of social life exacerbated authoritarian political trends, the French social critic Paul Virilio seemed to confirm many of Dewey’s darkest worries about the decay of democracy. According to his analysis, the high-speed imperatives of modern warfare and weapons systems strengthened the executive and debilitated representative legislatures. The compression of territory thereby paved the way for executive-centered emergency government (Virilio 1977). But it was probably the German philosopher Martin Heidegger who most clearly anticipated contemporary debates about globalization. Heidegger not only described the “abolition of distance” as a constitutive feature of our contemporary condition, but he linked recent shifts in spatial experience to no less fundamental alterations in the temporality of human activity: “All distances in time and space are shrinking. Man now reaches overnight, by places, places which formerly took weeks and months of travel” (Heidegger 1950, 165). Heidegger also accurately prophesied that new communication and information technologies would soon spawn novel possibilities for dramatically extending the scope of virtual reality : “Distant sites of the most ancient cultures are shown on film as if they stood this very moment amidst today’s street traffic…The peak of this abolition of every possibility of remoteness is reached by television, which will soon pervade and dominate the whole machinery of communication” (Heidegger 1950, 165). Heidegger’s description of growing possibilities for simultaneity and instantaneousness in human experience ultimately proved no less apprehensive than the views of many of his predecessors. In his analysis, the compression of space increasingly meant that from the perspective of human experience “everything is equally far and equally near.” Instead of opening up new possibilities for rich and multi-faceted interaction with events once distant from the purview of most individuals, the abolition of distance tended to generate a “uniform distanceless” in which fundamentally distinct objects became part of a bland homogeneous experiential mass (Heidegger 1950, 166). The loss of any meaningful distinction between “nearness” and “distance” contributed to a leveling down of human experience, which in turn spawned an indifference that rendered human experience monotonous and one-dimensional.

Since the mid-1980s, social theorists have moved beyond the relatively underdeveloped character of previous reflections on the compression or annihilation of space to offer a rigorous conception of globalization. To be sure, major disagreements remain about the precise nature of the causal forces behind globalization, with David Harvey (1989 1996) building directly on Marx’s pioneering explanation of globalization, while others (Giddens 19990; Held, McGrew, Goldblatt & Perraton 1999) question the exclusive focus on economic factors characteristic of the Marxist approach. Nonetheless, a consensus about the basic rudiments of the concept of globalization appears to be emerging.

First, recent analysts associate globalization with deterritorialization , according to which a growing variety of social activities takes place irrespective of the geographical location of participants. As Jan Aart Scholte observes, “global events can – via telecommunication, digital computers, audiovisual media, rocketry and the like – occur almost simultaneously anywhere and everywhere in the world” (Scholte 1996, 45). Globalization refers to increased possibilities for action between and among people in situations where latitudinal and longitudinal location seems immaterial to the social activity at hand. Even though geographical location remains crucial for many undertakings (for example, farming to satisfy the needs of a local market), deterritorialization manifests itself in many social spheres. Business people on different continents now engage in electronic commerce; academics make use of the latest Internet conferencing equipment to organize seminars in which participants are located at disparate geographical locations; the Internet allows people to communicate instantaneously with each other notwithstanding vast geographical distances separating them. Territory in the sense of a traditional sense of a geographically identifiable location no longer constitutes the whole of “social space” in which human activity takes places. In this initial sense of the term, globalization refers to the spread of new forms of non-territorial social activity (Ruggie 1993; Scholte 2000).

Second, theorists conceive of globalization as linked to the growth of social interconnectedness across existing geographical and political boundaries. In this view, deterritorialization is a crucial facet of globalization. Yet an exclusive focus on it would be misleading. Since the vast majority of human activities is still tied to a concrete geographical location, the more decisive facet of globalization concerns the manner in which distant events and forces impact on local and regional endeavors (Tomlinson 1999, 9). For example, this encyclopedia might be seen as an example of a deterritorialized social space since it allows for the exchange of ideas in cyberspace. The only prerequisite for its use is access to the Internet. Although substantial inequalities in Internet access still exist, use of the encyclopedia is in principle unrelated to any specific geographical location. However, the reader may very well be making use of the encyclopedia as a supplement to course work undertaken at a school or university. That institution is not only located at a specific geographical juncture, but its location is probably essential for understanding many of its key attributes: the level of funding may vary according to the state or region where the university is located, or the same academic major might require different courses and readings at a university in China, for example, than in Argentina or Norway. Globalization refers to those processes whereby geographically distant events and decisions impact to a growing degree on “local” university life. For example, the insistence by powerful political leaders in wealthy countries that the International Monetary Fund (IMF) or World Bank recommend to Latin and South American countries that they commit themselves to a particular set of economic policies might result in poorly paid teachers and researchers as well as large, understaffed lecture classes in São Paolo or Lima; the latest innovations in information technology from a computer research laboratory in India could quickly change the classroom experience of students in British Columbia or Tokyo. Globalization refers “to processes of change which underpin a transformation in the organization of human affairs by linking together and expanding human activity across regions and continents” (Held, McGrew, Goldblatt & Perraton 1999, 15). Globalization in this sense is a matter of degree since any given social activity might influence events more or less faraway: even though a growing number of activities seems intermeshed with events in distant continents, certain human activities remain primarily local or regional in scope. Also, the magnitude and impact of the activity might vary: geographically removed events could have a relatively minimal or a far more extensive influence on events at a particular locality. Finally, we might consider the degree to which interconnectedness across frontiers is no longer merely haphazard but instead predictable and regularized (Held, McGrew, Goldblatt & Perraton 1999).

Third, globalization must also include reference to the speed or velocity of social activity. Deterritorialization and interconnectedness initially seem chiefly spatial in nature. Yet it is easy to see how these spatial shifts are directly tied to the acceleration of crucial forms of social activity. As we observed above in our discussion of the conceptual forerunners to the present-day debate on globalization, the proliferation of high-speed transportation, communication, and information technologies constitutes the most immediate source for the blurring of geographical and territorial boundaries that prescient observers have diagnosed at least since the mid-nineteenth century. The compression of space presupposes rapid-fire forms of technology; shifts in our experiences of territory depend on concomitant changes in the temporality of human action. High-speed technology only represents the tip of the iceberg, however. The linking together and expanding of social activities across borders is predicated on the possibility of relatively fast flows and movements of people, information, capital, and goods. Without these fast flows, it is difficult to see how distant events could possibly posses the influence they now enjoy. High-speed technology plays a pivotal role in the velocity of human affairs. But many other factors contribute to the overall pace and speed of social activity. The organizational structure of the modern capitalist factory offers one example; certain contemporary habits and inclinations, including the “mania for motion and speed” described by Dewey, represent another. Deterritorialization and the expansion of interconnectedness are intimately tied to the acceleration of social life, while social acceleration itself takes many different forms (Eriksen 2001; Rosa 2013). Here as well, we can easily see why globalization is always a matter of degree. The velocity or speed of flows, movements, and interchanges across borders can vary no less than their magnitude, impact, or regularity.

Fourth, even though analysts disagree about the causal forces that generate globalization, most agree that globalization should be conceived as a relatively long-term process . The triad of deterritorialization, interconnectedness, and social acceleration hardly represents a sudden or recent event in contemporary social life. Globalization is a constitutive feature of the modern world, and modern history includes many examples of globalization (Giddens 1990). As we saw above, nineteenth-century thinkers captured at least some of its core features; the compression of territoriality composed an important element of their lived experience. Nonetheless, some contemporary theorists believe that globalization has taken a particularly intense form in recent decades, as innovations in communication, transportation, and information technologies (for example, computerization) have generated stunning new possibilities for simultaneity and instantaneousness (Harvey 1989). In this view, present-day intellectual interest in the problem of globalization can be linked directly to the emergence of new high-speed technologies that tend to minimize the significance of distance and heighten possibilities for deterritorialization and social interconnectedness. Although the intense sense of territorial compression experienced by so many of our contemporaries is surely reminiscent of the experiences of earlier generations, some contemporary writers nonetheless argue that it would be mistaken to obscure the countless ways in which ongoing transformations of the spatial and temporal contours of human experience are especially far-reaching. While our nineteenth-century predecessors understandably marveled at the railroad or the telegraph, a comparatively vast array of social activities is now being transformed by innovations that accelerate social activity and considerably deepen longstanding trends towards deterritorialization and social interconnectedness. To be sure, the impact of deterritorialization, social interconnectedness, and social acceleration are by no means universal or uniform: migrant workers engaging in traditional forms of low-wage agricultural labor in the fields of southern California, for example, probably operate in a different spatial and temporal context than the Internet entrepreneurs of San Francisco or Seattle. Distinct assumptions about space and time often coexist uneasily during a specific historical juncture (Gurvitch 1964). Nonetheless, the impact of recent technological innovations is profound, and even those who do not have a job directly affected by the new technology are shaped by it in innumerable ways as citizens and consumers (Eriksen 2001, 16).

Fifth, globalization should be understood as a multi-pronged process, since deterritorialization, social interconnectedness, and acceleration manifest themselves in many different (economic, political, and cultural) arenas of social activity. Although each facet of globalization is linked to the core components of globalization described above, each consists of a complex and relatively autonomous series of empirical developments, requiring careful examination in order to disclose the causal mechanisms specific to it (Held, McGrew, Goldblatt & Perraton 1999). Each manifestation of globalization also generates distinct conflicts and dislocations. For example, there is substantial empirical evidence that cross-border flows and exchanges (of goods, people, information, etc.), as well as the emergence of directly transnational forms of production by means of which a single commodity is manufactured simultaneously in distant corners of the globe, are gaining in prominence (Castells 1996). High-speed technologies and organizational approaches are employed by transnationally operating firms, the so-called “global players,” with great effectiveness. The emergence of “around-the-world, around-the-clock” financial markets, where major cross-border financial transactions are made in cyberspace at the blink of an eye, represents a familiar example of the economic face of globalization. Global financial markets also challenge traditional attempts by liberal democratic nation-states to rein in the activities of bankers, spawning understandable anxieties about the growing power and influence of financial markets over democratically elected representative institutions. In political life, globalization takes a distinct form, though the general trends towards deterritorialization, interconnectedness across borders, and the acceleration of social activity are fundamental here as well. Transnational movements, in which activists employ rapid-fire communication technologies to join forces across borders in combating ills that seem correspondingly transnational in scope (for example, the depletion of the ozone layer), offer an example of political globalization (Tarrow 2005). Another would be the tendency towards ambitious supranational forms of social and economic lawmaking and regulation, where individual nation-states cooperate to pursue regulation whose jurisdiction transcends national borders no less than the cross-border economic processes that undermine traditional modes of nation state-based regulation. Political scientists typically describe such supranational organizations (the European Union, for example, or United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement, or USMCA) as important manifestations of political and legal globalization. The proliferation of supranational organizations has been no less conflict-laden than economic globalization, however. Critics insist that local, regional, and national forms of self-government are being supplanted by insufficiently democratic forms of global governance remote from the needs of ordinary citizens (Maus 2006; Streeck 2016). In contrast, defenders describe new forms of supranational legal and political decision as indispensable forerunners to more inclusive and advanced forms of self-government, even as they worry about existing democratic deficits and technocratic traits (Habermas 2015).

The wide-ranging impact of globalization on human existence means that it necessarily touches on many basic philosophical and political-theoretical questions. At a minimum, globalization suggests that academic philosophers in the rich countries of the West should pay closer attention to the neglected voices and intellectual traditions of peoples with whom our fate is intertwined in ever more intimate ways (Dallmayr 1998). In this section, however, we focus exclusively on the immediate challenges posed by globalization to normative political theory.

Western political theory has traditionally presupposed the existence of territorially bound communities, whose borders can be more or less neatly delineated from those of other communities. In this vein, the influential liberal political philosopher John Rawls described bounded communities whose fundamental structure consisted of “self-sufficient schemes of cooperation for all the essential purposes of human life” (Rawls 1993, 301). Although political and legal thinkers historically have exerted substantial energy in formulating defensible normative models of relations between states (Nardin and Mapel 1992), like Rawls they typically have relied on a clear delineation of “domestic” from “foreign” affairs. In addition, they have often argued that the domestic arena represents a normatively privileged site, since fundamental normative ideals and principles (for example, liberty or justice) are more likely to be successfully realized in the domestic arena than in relations among states. According to one influential strand within international relations theory, relations between states are more-or-less lawless. Since the achievement of justice or democracy, for example, presupposes an effective political sovereign, the lacuna of sovereignty at the global level means that justice and democracy are necessarily incomplete and probably unattainable there. In this conventional realist view of international politics, core features of the modern system of sovereign states relegate the pursuit of western political thought’s most noble normative goals primarily to the domestic arena (Mearsheimer 2003.) Significantly, some prominent mid-century proponents of international realism rejected this position’s deep hostility to international law and supranational political organization, in part because they presciently confronted challenges that we now typically associate with intensified globalization (Scheuerman 2011).

Globalization poses a fundamental challenge to each of these traditional assumptions. It is no longer self-evident that nation-states can be described as “self-sufficient schemes of cooperation for all the essential purposes of human life” in the context of intense deterritorialization and the spread and intensification of social relations across borders. The idea of a bounded community seems suspect given recent shifts in the spatio-temporal contours of human life. Even the most powerful and privileged political units are now subject to increasingly deterritorialized activities (for example, global financial markets or digitalized mass communication) over which they have limited control, and they find themselves nested in webs of social relations whose scope explodes the confines of national borders. Of course, in much of human history social relations have transcended existing political divides. However, globalization implies a profound quantitative increase in and intensification of social relations of this type. While attempts to offer a clear delineation of the “domestic” from the “foreign” probably made sense at an earlier juncture in history, this distinction no longer accords with core developmental trends in many arenas of social activity. As the possibility of a clear division between domestic and foreign affairs dissipates, the traditional tendency to picture the domestic arena as a privileged site for the realization of normative ideals and principles becomes problematic as well. As an empirical matter, the decay of the domestic-foreign frontier seems highly ambivalent, since it might easily pave the way for the decay of the more attractive attributes of domestic political life: as “foreign” affairs collapse inward onto “domestic” political life, the insufficiently lawful contours of the former make disturbing inroads onto the latter (Scheuerman 2004). As a normative matter, however, the disintegration of the domestic-foreign divide probably calls for us to consider, to a greater extent than ever before, how our fundamental normative commitments about political life can be effectively achieved on a global scale. If we take the principles of justice or democracy seriously, for example, it is no longer self-evident that the domestic arena is the exclusive or perhaps even main site for their pursuit, since domestic and foreign affairs are now deeply and irrevocably intermeshed. In a globalizing world, the lack of democracy or justice in the global setting necessarily impacts deeply on the pursuit of justice or democracy at home. Indeed, it may no longer be possible to achieve our normative ideals at home without undertaking to do so transnationally as well.

To claim, for example, that questions of distributive justice have no standing in the making of foreign affairs represents at best empirical naivete about economic globalization. At worst, it constitutes a disingenuous refusal to grapple with the fact that the material existence of those fortunate enough to live in the rich countries is inextricably tied to the material status of the vast majority of humanity residing in poor and underdeveloped regions. Growing material inequality spawned by economic globalization is linked to growing domestic material inequality in the rich democracies (Falk 1999; Pogge 2002). Similarly, in the context of global warming and the destruction of the ozone layer, a dogmatic insistence on the sanctity of national sovereignty risks constituting a cynical fig leaf for irresponsible activities whose impact extends well beyond the borders of those countries most directly responsible. Global warming and ozone-depletion cry out for ambitious forms of transnational cooperation and regulation, and the refusal by the rich democracies to accept this necessity implies a failure to take the process of globalization seriously when doing so conflicts with their immediate material interests. Although it might initially seem to be illustrative of clever Realpolitik on the part of the culpable nations to ward off strict cross-border environmental regulation, their stubbornness is probably short-sighted: global warming and ozone depletion will affect the children of Americans who drive gas-guzzling SUVs or use environmentally unsound air-conditioning as well as the future generations of South Africa or Afghanistan (Cerutti 2007). If we keep in mind that environmental degradation probably impacts negatively on democratic politics (for example, by undermining its legitimacy and stability), the failure to pursue effective transnational environmental regulation potentially undermines democracy at home as well as abroad.

Philosophers and political theorists have eagerly addressed the normative and political implications of our globalizing world. A lively debate about the possibility of achieving justice at the global level pits representatives of cosmopolitanism against myriad communitarians, nationalists, realists, and others who privilege the nation-state and moral, political, and social ties resting on it (Lieven 2020; Tamir 2019). In contrast, cosmopolitans tend to underscore our universal obligations to those who reside faraway and with whom we may share little in the way of language, custom, or culture, oftentimes arguing that claims to “justice at home” can and should be applied elsewhere as well (Beardsworth 2011; Beitz 1999; Caney 2006; Wallace-Brown & Held 2010). In this way, cosmopolitanism builds directly on the universalistic impulses of modern moral and political thought. Cosmopolitanism’s critics dispute the view that our obligations to foreigners possess the same status as those to members of particular local and national communities of which we remain very much a part. They by no means deny the need to redress global inequality, for example, but they often express skepticism in the face of cosmopolitanism’s tendency to defend significant legal and political reforms as necessary to address the inequities of a planet where millions of people a year die of starvation or curable diseases (Miller 2007; 2013; Nagel 2005). Nor do cosmopolitanism’s critics necessarily deny that the process of globalization is real, though some of them suggest that its impact has been grossly exaggerated (Kymlicka 1999; Nussbaum et al . 1996; Streeck 2016). Nonetheless, they doubt that humanity has achieved a rich or sufficiently articulated sense of a common fate such that far-reaching attempts to achieve greater global justice (for example, substantial redistribution from the rich to poor) could prove successful. Cosmopolitans not only counter with a flurry of universalist and egalitarian moral arguments, but they also accuse their opponents of obscuring the threat posed by globalization to the particular forms of national community whose ethical primacy communitarians, nationalists, and others endorse. From the cosmopolitan perspective, the tendency to favor moral and political obligations to fellow members of the nation-state represents a misguided and increasingly reactionary nostalgia for a rapidly decaying constellation of political practices and institutions.

A similar divide characterizes the ongoing debate about the prospects of democratic institutions at the global level. In a cosmopolitan mode, Daniele Archibugi (2008) and the late David Held (1995) have argued that globalization requires the extension of liberal democratic institutions (including the rule of law and elected representative institutions) to the transnational level. Nation state-based liberal democracy is poorly equipped to deal with deleterious side effects of present-day globalization such as ozone depletion or burgeoning material inequality. In addition, a growing array of genuinely transnational forms of activity calls out for correspondingly transnational modes of liberal democratic decision-making. According to this model, “local” or “national” matters should remain under the auspices of existing liberal democratic institutions. But in those areas where deterritorialization and social interconnectedness across national borders are especially striking, new transnational institutions (for example, cross-border referenda), along with a dramatic strengthening and further democratization of existing forms of supranational authority (in particular, the United Nations), are necessary if we are to assure that popular sovereignty remains an effective principle. In the same spirit, cosmopolitans debate whether a loose system of global “governance” suffices, or instead cosmopolitan ideals require something along the lines of a global “government” or state (Cabrera 2011; Scheuerman 2014). Jürgen Habermas, a prominent cosmopolitan-minded theorist, has tried to formulate a defense of the European Union that conceives of it as a key stepping stone towards supranational democracy. If the EU is to help succeed in salvaging the principle of popular sovereignty in a world where the decay of nation state-based democracy makes democracy vulnerable, the EU will need to strengthen its elected representative organs and better guarantee the civil, political, and social and economic rights of all Europeans (Habermas 2001, 58–113; 2009). Representing a novel form of postnational constitutionalism, it potentially offers some broader lessons for those hoping to save democratic constitutionalism under novel global conditions. Despite dire threats to the EU posed by nationalist and populist movements, Habermas and other cosmopolitan-minded intellectuals believe that it can be effectively reformed and preserved (Habermas 2012).

In opposition to Archibugi, Held, Habermas, and other cosmopolitans, skeptics underscore the purportedly utopian character of such proposals, arguing that democratic politics presupposes deep feelings of trust, commitment, and belonging that remain uncommon at the postnational and global levels. Largely non-voluntary commonalities of belief, history, and custom compose necessary preconditions of any viable democracy, and since these commonalities are missing beyond the sphere of the nation-state, global or cosmopolitan democracy is doomed to fail (Archibugi, Held, and Koehler 1998; Lieven 2020). Critics inspired by realist international theory argue that cosmopolitanism obscures the fundamentally pluralistic, dynamic, and conflictual nature of political life on our divided planet. Notwithstanding its pacific self-understanding, cosmopolitan democracy inadvertently opens the door to new and even more horrible forms of political violence. Cosmpolitanism’s universalistic normative discourse not only ignores the harsh and unavoidably agonistic character of political life, but it also tends to serve as a convenient ideological cloak for terrible wars waged by political blocs no less self-interested than the traditional nation state (Zolo 1997, 24).

Ongoing political developments suggest that such debates are of more than narrow scholarly interest. Until recently, some of globalization’s key prongs seemed destined to transform human affairs in seemingly permanent ways: economic globalization, as well as the growth of a panoply of international and global political and legal institutions, continued to transpire at a rapid rate. Such institutional developments, it should be noted, were interpreted by some cosmopolitan theorists as broadly corroborating their overall normative aspirations. With the resurgence of nationalist and populist political movements, many of which diffusely (and sometimes misleadingly) target elements of globalization, globalization’s future prospects seem increasingly uncertain. For example, with powerful political leaders regularly making disdainful remarks about the UN and EU, it seems unclear whether one of globalization’s most striking features, i.e., enhanced political and legal decision-making “beyond the nation state,” will continue unabated. Tragically perhaps, the failure to manage economic globalization so as to minimize avoidable inequalities and injustices has opened the door to a nationalist and populist backlash, with many people now ready to embrace politicians and movements promising to push back against “free trade,” relatively porous borders (for migrants and refugees), and other manifestations of globalization (Stiglitz 2018). Even if it seems unlikely that nationalists or populists can succeed in fully halting, let alone reversing, structural trends towards deterritorialization, intensified interconnectedness, and social acceleration, they may manage to reshape them in ways that cosmopolitans are likely to find alarming. Whether or not nationalists and populists can successfully respond to many fundamental global challenges (e.g., climate change or nuclear proliferation), however, remains far less likely.

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  • Global Transformations: Politics, Economics and Culture , by Held, McGrew, Goldblatt, and Perraton. This is the Student Companion Site at wiley.com

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Globalization Concepts and Importance Term Paper

Whether talking about his “Golden Arches/McDonald’s Theory” or “Dell Theory” or that the “world is flat,” Thomas Friedman offers a provocative argument about where we now are internationally, how we got there, and where we are going. Explain and assess his views, including their economic and security implications, touching as well on his critics.

Thomas Friedman observes that forces of globalization exist to check inconsistencies between two States that resolute to put on the ‘golden straitjacket’. Abridging the theory to the fast-food heights of generalization, he postulates that no State with McDonalds has ever battled a combat with another State ( Freidman, 2005) . Specifically, if companies have key delivery series procedures in States other than the company’s home State, those States will never participate in armed warfare. This is owing to the financial interdependence between States that emerges from a huge conglomerate.

For instance, Toshiba having delivery chain operations in manifold worldwide localities and the unwillingness of emerging economies, in which delivery series operations frequently go on has enabled the countries to maintain peace. Technology has altered the form of the earth. Economical and plentiful infrastructure and broadband bondage have made it simple for information vocation to be completed from anywhere in the globe. This has formed a “flat” worldwide opinionated, financial and artistic playing turf. When each of these belongings unexpectedly emerged, it became possible to distribute academic assets from anywhere. It could be disaggregated, distributed, dispersed, created and assembled again. In addition, this conveyed completely innovative extent of liberty to the way things are made, particularly things that call for intelligence and not physical contact.

Tom Friedman maintains that the convergence of these progresses is as radical as Gutenberg and the publish press in the 15 th century and the way it acts out will be the essential worldwide comedy of the untimely 21 st century (Freidman, 2005). The economical accessibility of software and broadband internet has equalized the setting. It has formed a recently flat universally opinionated, financial, and artistic playing turf that permits States formerly detached from the hubs of authority to partake in the hunt for affluence as long as they have the dexterities and communication that is represented by broadband acquaintances and the force to undertake it. Friedman clarifies what the level earth implies to States, corporations, the public and persons as the way regimes and the public can and have to adjust. Upcoming years will not be similar to the precedent ones. Outsourcing is unavoidable and criticisms or contentment would not determine anything. To do well in upcoming years, persons and corporations have to enlarge policies that fit worldwide authenticities.

Although flat earth is an outstanding and influential manuscript in many ways it is not ideal as Friedman states in a handful quarters of the manuscript. For example, Friedman is extremely systematic and presents a large amount of substantiation when he talks about the tribulations that relic reliance on petroleum to generate emergency power and worldwide environmental adjustment. However, he goes astray by applying facts/systematic study to sustain his suggestion for an explanation (Pankaj, 2007). He came up with a grand case for what the answer ought to be applicable universally.

However, the clarification is not completely found on skill or sustained with sufficient data. On the other hand, he may perhaps scrutinize the present projected explanation in superior profundity and assess the expertise that has the most possibility of resolving our power catastrophe and stopping prospective environmental alteration. In its place, he hastily discharges different power inventiveness as not having adequate capability actually to be worth spending the time and endeavors. He emphasizes that we ought to insist on manufacturing vehicles that are all-electric and uncover a mode to building the flaming of petroleum hygienically.

Based on the readings in the course text, “Producing Security: Multinational Corporations, Globalization, and the Changing Nature of Conflict,” assess the security implication of the global weapons production system. As part of your response, be sure to explain Brooks’ views and critique the proposition that globalization has forever affected the way all states procure and produce weapons.

Inside the writing that observes how the global economy can manipulate security, researchers summarize an extensive diversity of opinions. In practice, these incongruent opinions can be tracked down to three universal systems that are the worldwide financial system that can manipulate safety by altering competences, motivation and the character of the players. This manuscript illustrates that the globalization of manufacturing has restructured the international security atmosphere through each of these three universal instruments.

Concerning potentials, the main enigma is whether globalization of manufacturing has altered the factors of armament manufacturing. All through old times, majority of States usually have favored to be independent in weaponry making. The rationale behind this is the reduced demand that is facing it. Defense manufacturing enables Sates to be protected against susceptibility, provide intermissions and to make certain that tactical contestants do not have effortless access to identical crucial martial expertise. Countries persist relying on their own resources for weapon production making the key issue as how competent they are in trailing this policy. Market analysts concur that facing it alone has turned out to be rigid in arms making in topical days. On the contrary, until recently, we are short of comprehending of how tricky it has befallen. The investigation in this manuscript discloses that the scales have positively reallocated against a plan of autarkic-related manufacturing. No country, as well as the grand authorities can nowadays successfully stay on the acerbic periphery in martial expertise if it does not follow major internationalization in the manufacture of artillery.

Pertaining inducements, the major unreciprocated problem is whether the geographic diffusion of MNC fabrication has altered the financial reimbursement of subjugation. Financial achievements have traditionally been an important inspiring force for disagreement. Conflicts of subjugation regrettably still take place as is confirmed by Iraq’s 1991 incursion of Kuwait and the taking over of Western Congo by Burundi, Uganda and Rwanda as of 1998 to 2002. Irrespective of the impetus for conflict, the scenario for constancy that is, serenity will decline if antagonists are capable of taking out major financial possessions from recently occupied regions. The recent standard study of the financial remuneration of invasion concludes that subjugators are still incapable of successfully extorting profitable wealth from defeated affluent states (Brooks, 2011).

The power of globalization of fabrication on defense is apparent and most momentous with reverence to grand influence relations. A huge quantity of writing within global relationships is dedicated to investigating the most hazardous latent result in the structure. Immense authorities that try to disturb the protective class positions and are flourishing in doing so, since the achievements of armed invasion are collective. The likelihood of this result has spread an extensive shadow over investigators operating within each special approach and technique in the turf. This spotlight is not astonishing. Even though enormous influence conflict is not a daily episode, one grasps huge threat. In Second World War, above 40 million people were executed and the likelihood that the alliance authorities could alter the character of the structure was secluded (Moises, 2009).

Many diverse aspects manipulate the projection for grand control constancy. What is critical is to spot the features that are vital and whether they are expected to have encouraging or harmful effects. The conclusions of this manuscript jointly point out that the globalization of manufacturing currently acts as vigor for constancy among the grand authorities. Placed most specifically, the findings of this investigation are that the improved geographic diffusion of MNC will enhance manufacturing among States, therefore strengthening their relations.

Is globalization a positive or negative factor in the world? Respond using concrete examples, data and theoretical perspectives provided by our readings and videos. In your response, comment both on the economic impact on persons and countries and on the way security in the international system is affected. If you determine globalization is a generally positive phenomenon, can domestic political support for it be built/maintained in countries and what factors are relevant to this effort? If you determine globalization is a generally negative phenomenon, what is to be done? Is it possible to move away from globalization? What would be the security implication of either deepening globalization or dialing it back?

Globalization has had important and diverse consequences on the entire financial systems of the earth. It shapes the manufacturing of merchandise and services. It also influences the employment of industry and other contributions into the manufacturing procedures. Besides, it shapes investment in physical structures and in human resources. It influences expertise and leads to the dispersal of knowledge from instigating states to other countries. It moreover has key outcomes on competence, production and competitiveness (Vandana, 2005).

Numerous effects of globalization on public markets warrant certain mention. One is the development of overseas direct venture at an exceptional speed that is specifically much superior to the escalation of world trading. Such ventures occupy a major position in expertise shift, engineering reformation and in the configuration of international ventures, every one of which have main effects at the public level. The next is the effect of globalization on scientific modernization. Innovative expertise, as previously distinguished, has been an issue in globalization. However, globalization and the prompt of antagonism have as well inspired further progress in knowledge and accelerated its dispersal within states through overseas direct venture.

Another positive effect of globalization pertains to the intensification of businesses in services, as well as monetary, formal, executive and data services provision. In addition, indescribable forms of firms that are the foundations of global business are also products of globalization. In 1970, direct venture quarter was allied to the export of goods, although nowadays that has increased to half and it is anticipated to climb even more while making logical investment the most significant product on world marketplace. Because of the development of services both countrywide and globally, a few have identified this as the age of aptitude that underscores the significance of permanent learning and schooling and the venture in human resources in each public financial system (Brooks, 2011).

Globalization has piloted to rising antagonism on a worldwide base. Although several countries fear opposition, numerous favorable outcomes of antagonism that can augment manufacturing or competence exist. Antagonism and the broadening of bazaars can direct to specialism and the dissection of work, as argued by Adam Smith and other classical economists scripting on the payback of a market structure. Specialization and the dissection of work with their repercussions of augmentation in fabrication, currently subsist not just in a state but also on a universal foundation. Other positive outcomes comprise the economies of scale and capacity that can probably direct to decrease in expenses and costs and are favorable to ongoing financial developments. Other paybacks from globalization consist of the achievements from businesses in which both associates achieve in a reciprocally useful exchange, where the associates can be persons, companies and other institutions, states, business alliances, continents or other bodies. Globalization can as well lead to amplified efficiency because of the validation of manufacturing on a universal scale and the multiplicity of expertise and aggressive anxieties for recurrent originality on a universal origin (Brooks, 2011).

Globalization engrosses not just paybacks, but also has overheads or possible tribulations that several reviewers distinguish as huge risks. These overheads could pilot to inconsistencies of different categories whether at the local, nationwide or global level. One such outlay or dilemma is that of who benefits from its possible paybacks. There can be considerable justice concerns in the sharing of the benefits from globalization among persons, associations and States. In reality, many of the benefits have been moving to the wealthy States or persons generating superior unfairness and leading to possible inconsistencies countrywide and globally. A few have recommended the likelihood of unifying profits internationally founded on the examination that the unfortunate States are moving up at a quicker rate than the wealthy States.

The authenticity, conversely, is that a diminutive faction of States, the tiger markets of East Asia, has been developing at fast rates, whereas the less urbanized states of Africa, Asia and South and Central America have been emerging at a sluggish speed than the wealthy states. These unfortunate States are therefore turning out to be more and more subjugated. The outcome has been not unification, but instead a deviation or schism of profits worldwide with the fast-developing financial system unifying the wealthy states and the unfortunate States falling even more behind. This mounting inequality directs to estrangement, perhaps even global inconsistencies as states try to find a way to unite with society of wealthy States. This problem of allocation is a chief challenge in the practice of global economy (Klein, 1999).

A final category of predicament branching from globalization is that a few as States perhaps changing from monarch administration to other units, as well as the most influential state, transnational or worldwide firms and global institutions, identify the power of nationwide financial systems. The product is that a few recognize countrywide control as being destabilized by the tenets of globalization. Therefore, globalization might direct to an idea among nationwide leaders that they may be powerlessly in the grasp of international forces and an approach of estrangement among the voters. The outcome might be tremendous patriotism and racism, beside with demands for protectionism and the augmentation of radical political actions, eventually leading to possible inconsistencies (Vandana, 2005).

Brooks, S. (2011). Producing security: Multinational corporations, globalization, and the changing nature of conflict . Princeton: Princeton University Press.

Freidman, T. (2005). Wake up and face the flat earth, Yale global. Web.

Klein, N. (1999). Rebels in search of rules, New York Times. Web.

Moises, N. (2009). Globalization. Foreign Policy , 1(171), 28-34.

Pankaj, G. (2007). Why the world isn’t flat. Foreign Policy , 1(159), 54-69.

Vandana, S. (2005). The polarized world of globalization. Web.

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Term Paper on Globalization

Globalization term paper:.

The concept of globalization is essential to understand the patterns of economic, political and cultural change in the contemporary world. Introduction Globalization is known as the name of the social, economic and political processes taking place in our world. During the last years, globalization has become an important subject for various popular and academic debates. Today the concept of globalization is implemented to describe different aspects of contemporary life. It includes such aspects as complexity of contemporary capitalism, the difficulties of the nation-state system and the increasing quantity of transnational corporations and organizations as well as essential competitiveness between global culture to local cultures, the rise of the communications revolution due to introducing of new technologies in the world (Szeman 2001). In other words, globalization is a concept that has both positive and negative sides of the contemporary existence. This paper discusses the concept of globalization and its perspective on the changing patterns of the economic, political and cultural life in the contemporary world. Additionally, it focuses special attention on the discourse of fordism, post fordism, post modernity and postcolonial theory as well as the development of the networked society in the time of globalization.

The concept of globalization and its development The concept of globalization appeared at the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century (1850 –1914) (Rourke and Williamson 1999, p. 5).

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At that time, the concept of globalization paid its main attention to the money aspect mainly characterized by the rise of international trade and the increasing flow of migrants. People have been migrating and travelling having different aims. For example, European migrants went the New World – America – in the hope to become rich, while Asian migrants showed their negative relation to America negatively as a colonial country. In addition, the intensive development of industry and the global industrial division of labour in America resulted in large female migration. (Sassen 1998, pp. 41-45)

Today many social theorists are stating that modern world characterized by rising globalization with the dominant economic system of world capitalism. It gives priority for transnational corporations and organizations in contrast to the nations, and destroys local traditions and cultures developing a global culture.

There is a great diversity of theorists’ views on the concept of globalization. Some of them believe that globalization may cause the Westernization of the world (Latouche 1996), but others (Ferguson 1992) consider that it entails the ascendancy of capitalism (Kellner). Some theorists state that globalization increases homogeneity, while others believe that it produces heterogeneity and diversity because of increased hybridization. For many theorists globalization and modernity are similar (e.g. Giddens 1990; Beck 1992), but others state that the “global age” and “modern age” are different (Albrow 1996) (Kellner).

In contrast, postmodernists support diversity, the local, difference, and heterogeneity, and sometimes they note that globalization itself produces multiplicity and hybridity. They argue that with the help of global culture special appropriations and developments are possible in the entire world. Globalization will create new types of hybrid syntheses of the global and the local, helping to widespread heterogeneity and difference. Postmodernists also argue that, “every local context involves its own appropriation and reworking of global products and signifiers, thus producing more variety and diversity” (Kellner).

In turn, Axtmann suggests that global citizenship and accordingly the impact of globalization could lead to a real acceptance of heterogeneity, diversity, and otherness contrasting with globalization that just promotes sameness and homogeneity (Kellner).

Globalization is able to produce new forms of imperialist domination in accordance with globality and universality. There is a danger that globalization just disguises a indefatigable Westernization, or Americanization, of the world. However, restoration of ethno-nationalism, tradition, religious fundamentalisms, and other types of resistance to globalization are active to certain degree by a deviation of the homogenization and probably Westernization connected with some globalization forms.

Coming back to Westernization, it is worth to note that globalization is frequently characterized by the rising dominance of western or American forms of economic, political, and cultural life (“westernization” or “Americanization”) (Westernisation). Westernization had a great and a pervasive influence on the world during the past decades. The collapse of imperialism and colonialism over the decades was noticed by the two World Wars of the 20th century, after which many smaller countries, which were created by former colonial authorities (primarily European), obtained independence and involved different aspects and features of Western culture and tradition. After a downfall of the former Soviet Union at the end of the 20th century, many of its component states became the subject for Westernization. It also included privatization of hitherto state-controlled industry.

Special attention must paid to the fordism and post fordism movement. Fordism is known as the system of mass production and consumption characteristic of highly developed economies and it existed in the 1940s-1960s. According to Fordism theory, the combination of mass consumption with mass production is necessary to achieve material advancement and economic growth. The period of 1970s-1990s is characterized by slower growth and rising inequality of income. At that time, the system of production and consumption organization has transformed. That was a second transformation – post fordism – which led to the second rise of economic growth. This new system is called the “flexible system of production” (FSP) or the “Japanese management system.” On the production side, the main features of FSP are high reductions in information expenditures and overheads, Total Quality Management (TQM), leaderless work groups and just-in-time inventory control (Fordism, Post-Fordism and the flexible system of production). On the consumption side, the main features of FSP are the globalization of consumer goods markets, quicker product life cycles, and far bigger product/market differentiation and segmentation (Fordism, Post-Fordism and the flexible system of production).

Along with process engineering, the second transformation is making transformations not only how we produce things, but also how we live and what we consume accordingly. It illustrates the decreasing essentiality of scale and scope and is made with the help of costs reductions in logistics, communications, and information processing – these reductions occur in result of the computers’ introduction and rising ability of people to use them. (Reschenthaler and Thompson 1996, pp. 125-144).

So, globalization must be illustrated as a difficult and multidimensional phenomenon that includes various levels, flows, and conflicts as well as its possible future.

A critical theory of globalization deals with the reality of globalization, its authority and influence. However, it also studies different forces of resistance and fight that try to resist to the most destructive sides of globalization or global forces.

For example, the constant issue of local and political fight with complex causes is race, ethnicity, class and nationalist problem. It is well-known that the period from the end of 1980s to the present time is characterized by a rise of traditionalism, nationalism, and religious fundamentalism along with increasing globalization.

It is also worth to admit that the resurgence of regional, cultural, and religious differences in the former USSR and Yugoslavia along with intensive tribal conflicts in Africa and in other places allows us to make a suggestion that globalization and homogenization were not so much connected and deep as it was considered by its supporters and critics. In result, culture has become a new source of conflict and an essential indicator of fight between the local and the global. National cultures caused many conflicts between Muslims, Serbs, and Croats, Azarbaijanis and Armenians, Mohawk First Nation peoples and Quebecois. In South Africa, these are the fight between the Umkatha tribe and the African National Congress.

The other important reason of resistance and struggle is the gender inequality and difference. At the level of policy, the influence of globalization on women and gender relations is still ignored on the national and international levels.

Due to gender inequalities and discrimination in many countries worldwide, globalization processes may render their negative influence on women in greater degree than on men.

Nevertheless, many advocates of women admit that globalization influences various groups of women differently. It even creates new treatment standards for women, and assists some groups of women to mobilize. Thus, the role of globalization for many women is still in debate and it is evidently different.

Consequently, globalization is very complex concept and it stimulates to occurrence of different theories, economical, political and cultural studies. There are a lot of reasons due to which globalization has been perceived as mainly an economic phenomenon that additionally has had an evident impact on political, social, and cultural life. Economic globalization means, that it is a long-run upward tendency. Thus, it will be useful to measure globalization. There is a lot of various indicators of economic globalization and they may or may not illustrate familiar patterns in regards to change over time. Trade globalization can be distinguished as the certain share of the production all over the world. Investment globalization would be the share of all world capital invested that belongs to non-nationals capital in the world that belongs to non-nationals (i.e. “foreigners”) (Chase-Dunn, Kawano and Nikitin). Also it is possible to investigate the degree of economic integration of countries by defining the extent to which national economic growth rates correspond to each other in the world countries.

From the economic point of view, globalization is connected with the transnationalization and deterritorialization of industry and capital, which has permitted companies to cross national borders and to travel over the world to succeed from cheaper labor and to open, develop and promote new markets for different services and goods. In addition, economic globalization has been connected with the occurrence of international free trade agreements as the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trades (GATT), and the foundation of an around-the-clock global financial market (Szeman 2001, p. 212).

Contemporary patterns of economic globalization have been much connected with a new development of the relationship between markets and states.

Together with financial integration, the operations of multinational corporations also played the important role. They integrated national and local economies into global and regional production networks. Due to such conditions, national economies are no longer autonomous systems of wealth creation since national boundaries no longer function as essential barriers to the organization of economic activity and its conduct (Held and McGrew).

As it was above-mentioned, the multinational corporation (further – MNCs) was significant to the establishment of a new global capitalist order. In 1999 their number accounted for more than 60,000 MNCs worldwide with 500,000 foreign subsidiaries, selling $9.5 trillion of services and goods globally (Held and McGrew). Modern transnational production essentially exceeds the level of global exports and has become the main means for exporting services and goods. According to some estimates, multinational corporations now make for at least 20 per cent of world production and 70 per cent of world trade (Held and McGrew).

Economic globalization has also been characterized by an evident internationalization of political power connected with a relevant globalization of political activity. Thus, it is worth to deal with the political meaning of globalization.

A special attention has been paid to the threats caused by globalization in regards of the sovereignty and power of nation-states and accordingly, on the occurrence of new sites of transnational politics placed in global cities, international organizations (such as NGOs and the United Nations) and transnational corporations (Szeman 2001, pp. 209-217).

At that time global cities were the spaces where labor, capital, infrastructure, and information are concentrated (Irvine 1999). From this point of view, globalization is considered to be a networked urbanization, a reconcentration of production, capital, and labor in cities as “the nodes of the networked economy” (Irvine 1999). It means that global cities are the nodes of cyberspace, the space of flows including the simultaneous concentration and decentralization of people, economic activity, communications, technical infrastructure, and information (Irvine 1999). From the point of the diffusion of cultural productions on the Net, cultural globalization follows the logic of urban concentration in the global information economy. In turn, cyberpace is a segmented and segregated space that is similar to global cities where IT infrastructure, firms, capital, labor, and services are concentrated, as it was already above mentioned.

Research of the politics of globalization consists of estimation of the growing militarization of global relations, the occurrence of new nationalisms and ethnic confrontations, and the intensive migrations of peoples across regions or even across the world. This process concerns essential problems on notions of cultural belonging and citizenship in almost all countries in the West (Szeman 2001).

The concept of globalization has also been researched in regards of the development of new communication technologies that are significant in destroying our world spatially. With the help of these global communication technologies, it has become possible to perceive our globe as a single space shared by all human beings. It does not only mean that with the help of computer and communication technologies we can instantaneously transmit and transfer information each other all over the world. It mainly means that by circulating of information, images and ideas, people (and especially global elites) around the globe can find similar cultural referents. The emergence of a “global culture,” has been possible only due to the invention of new technologies. Today people in different countries can see the same news events or TV-show programs. Now it is evidently clear for all interesting hybrid cultural forms of global culture that the global distribution of cultural forms and ideas hardly equal. Many cultural critics in globalization has focused their special interest on the influence of the global distribution of a capitalist culture “anchored in the United States” and on its evident threat to the continued existence of local traditions and cultures (Szeman 2001). Probably, it is just here the study of globalization and postcolonial studies is most clearly imposed. The relationship between globalization and the specific issues of postcolonial studies is too difficult and complex. This can be partially explained by distinctions in emphasis and that these two concepts have the disciplinary origins. In usual, globalization is still a term used mainly in the social sciences, where it is employed to depict contemporary Western experience, but postcolonial studies are introduced in the humanities and pay their main attention on the practices and experiences of non-Western countries, especially in the case if they are related to Western economic, cultural and political priority.

The primary issues of postcolonial studies have been determined in accordance with the complex consequences of 19th and 20th-centuries – imperialism and colonialism. Along with the fact that globalization is originated from the European ideas of colonialism and imperialism, it defines some contemporary transformations that have directly changed some of the strong concepts of postcolonial studies, such as identity, place, the nation, and ways of the resistance connected to these concepts.

In the 20th-century, the current implementation of the term globalization is used according to Marshall McLuhan’s vision of a “global village” made by the world-wide spread of communication technologies, and in “world-systems theory” of Immanuel Wallerstein (Szeman 2001). The central point of Wallerstein’s theory, as first developed in The Modern World System (1974) is that the world economic system has been only capitalist one from its first occurrence in the 16th century. The postcolonial studies revealed a big insistence on the cultural changes of colonialism and imperialism. Postcolonial criticism has asserted that must be noticed as a basis to creation, production and maintenance of colonial relationship.

From this vision, and particularly due to the diffusion of a global mass culture, globalization may be perceived as “the continuation and strengthening of Western imperialist relations in the period after decolonization and postcolonial nationalist movements” (Szeman 2001).

Conclusion A critical theory of globalization determines the interdependencies and interconnections between various levels such as the political, economic, psychological and cultural as well as between various flows of people, products, ideas, information and technology. The speed of globalization development with its space-time compression, its instant financial transactions, its simultaneous forms of mass communication, and a highly incorporated world market is certainly a novelty in our world. New technologies make significant changes in the nature of work and create new leisure forms. The hyperreality of cyberspace, new virtual realities, and new information and entertainment modes are the other main characteristic features of globalization.

Present-day globalization explains the matrix of global and local forces as well as of forces of resistance and domination, of a condition of quick change and a “great transformation” caused by the global restructuring of capital and multivariate effects of new technologies. Therefore, globalization is evidently a force of homogenization. The influence of globalization much depends from a position of country in global political, economic and military hierarchies as well as from its domestic political and economic structures, the institutional pattern of inner politics of the state, certain government and societal strategies for contesting, ameliorating and managing imperatives of globalization (Held and McGrew). The future will show what visions, perspectives and concepts best characterize globalization in present.

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Culture and personality are two ideologies that compliment and supplement each other. So several times, society has never failed to use culture in the process of convincing and influencing people to believe in the same beliefs as it have. This paper sought to justify the effect of each towards one another and to establish that several of these effects can be geared towards the positive or the negative side. Keywords:Culture, personality, globalization

Consumer: Culprit to the Disintegration of Culture

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Globalization refers to the increased integration and global interconnectedness of markets, trade, culture and products. Globalization is enhanced by technological advancements and transnational investments. People around the world are getting more closely connected than before. Goods and services produced are becoming available in all parts of the world irrespective of where they were manufactured. Money and information is also flowing rapidly while international communication and travel are commonplace. This paper discusses the pros and cons of globalization.

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Trans-boundary policy problem is a crisis resulting from set of rules that defines the clear cut in a boundary between two separate entities. The fight between two countries on the exact boundary line is the best example of this policy problem. Some water resources lie at the border of two countries and it becomes difficult in making the correct boundary line. Learning this helps us enhance our knowledge on how such cases arise and how they are addressed (Blatter 14).

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The purpose of the term paper is to determine the effect of globalization on the organization development and change..

Assumptions and delimitations It was assumed that government will give the right information on the effect of globalization on their relations with other countries and the effect on the economy. It is also assumed that the impact of globalization on the organizational development is apparent and evident. The delimitations include the effect of globalization on the third world countries after the countries passed the free trade policies. Another one is that the research was conducted in ten African countries and eight other countries spread between Europe, Asia, and America.

Hypothesis: Globalization improves the relationships between countries and also improves the economies of countries

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Foreign Direct Investments in Asian Economies Introduction

Direct investments can be defined as physical investments that are made into building a factory in the domestic company (Graham and Spaulding, 2005). It is different from indirect investment that involves making a bundle investment in a broader category of assets. Foreign direct investment or FDI can be defined as foreign investing directly into the productive assets of a domestic company. It includes the acquisition of a lasting management interest in a company or enterprise outside the investing firm’s home country (Graham and Spaulding, 2005).

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Globalization Research Paper

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This sample globalization research paper features: 6400 words (approx. 20 pages), an outline, and a bibliography with 45 sources. Browse other research paper examples for more inspiration. If you need a thorough research paper written according to all the academic standards, you can always turn to our experienced writers for help. This is how your paper can get an A! Feel free to contact our writing service for professional assistance. We offer high-quality assignments for reasonable rates.

Introduction

Earlier attempts to grasp globalization, contemporary approaches to globalization, the global political economy, the global cultural economy, questioning “globalization”, globalization and development, governance, sovereignty, and citizenship.

  • Bibliography

More Globalization Research Papers:

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Globalization is an inconsistent concept, and definitions of it abound. However, most anthropologists agree that, experientially, globalization refers to a reorganization of time and space in which many movements of peoples, things, and ideas throughout much of the world have become increasingly faster and effortless. Spatially and temporally, cities and towns, individuals and groups, institutions and governments have become linked in ways that are fundamentally new in many regards, especially in terms of the potential speed of interactions among them. Examples of these interactions are myriad: The click of a mouse button on a Wall Street computer can have immediate financial effects thousands of miles away on another continent, and events like the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 or footage of the 2005 tsunami in southern Asia can be televised internationally, whereby millions of viewers interpret the same images concurrently.

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Beyond these shared perspectives on and approaches to globalization, anthropologists disagree with one another in important regards. The first concerns the “what”: Does globalization name a more-or-less singular and radical transformation that encompasses the globe, in which technoeconomic advancements have fundamentally reorganized time-space, bringing people, places, things, and ideas from all corners of the world into closer contact with one another? Or, is globalization a misnomer, even a fad, a term too general to describe a vast array of situated processes and projects that are inconsistent and never entirely “global”?

A second discussion concerns the “when”: Is globalization new—do we currently live in the “global era”? Or, has the world long been shaped by human interaction spanning great distances?

These debates are not limited to two opposing sides. Some scholars feel that these very questions blunt meaningful analysis of the contemporary world and all of its nuances. By focusing largely on absolutes—that is, what is entirely singular versus wholly chaotic, what is radically new versus something predicated largely on the past— important questions are passed over. For example, what are the specific mechanisms of human interconnection and the particular histories in which they are embedded?

Anthropologists do agree, however, on how to best go about investigating globalization: through long-term, intensive fieldwork, either in a single locality or in several linked analytically together. This fieldwork is ethnographic; that is, it seeks an intimate understanding of the social and cultural dynamics of specific communities, as well as the broader social and political systems they negotiate. In a world of intensifying social relations, ethnography requires engagement in both empirical research and critical theory.

Anthropological attention to ethnographic detail is an important rejoinder to a vast globalization literature centered on macro phenomena, such as the relations between large-scale political and economic bodies like nationstates, political unions, trade organizations, and transnational corporations. Undoubtedly, these “translocal” entities are of great anthropological interest as well. Yet the discipline has taken as its goal the understanding of how specific subjects respond to and act within these large-scale processes, institutions, and discourses through culturally specific lenses. Thus, anthropology’s contribution to this literature lies in its assertion that social change, viewed in both distance-defying connections and inequitable disconnections within the world, can be compellingly grasped in the daily practices of individuals and the groups, institutions, and belief systems they inhabit.

It bears emphasis that a researcher cannot simply board a plane to “the global.” The empirical aspects of human social interaction—while facilitated by the “placelessness” of systems and structures like international finance networks, religious chat rooms, or television broadcasts—are produced, interpreted, and negotiated by people in particular places. It is for this reason that the ethnographic method has continued to define anthropological research, even as it pertains to globalization. The ethnographic emphasis has long been to follow the question, the person, the commodity, or the idea—all things that are continually mobilized or constrained by human activity. As will be argued in further detail below, anthropologists have tended to warn against the erasure of human agency in depictions of such interaction, and the discipline’s commitment to research continues to inform this warning. Some anthropologists have gone so far as to argue that empirically thin accounts of globalization, especially those that embrace it as a natural and ultimately unavoidable force in the world, actually obscure the means by which unequal relations of power are forged. The argument is significant, as anthropologists generally agree that the ability to define globalization and steer discussions pertaining to it greatly informs the decisions of wealthy and influential policymakers.

While often understated in current anthropological scholarship on globalization, early anthropological attempts to grasp translocal phenomena greatly influenced the discipline’s development. Indeed, anthropology has a history of engagement with translocal phenomena and has long argued that exchange across sometimes vast distances has been and is common to human social interaction. Arguably the first incarnation of such a notion is seen in the works of late 19th- and early 20th-century diffusionists, who held that cultural change was a product of initially distinct cultural traits being appropriated and dispersed among individuals and groups over great geographic distances. Franz Boas, often called the father of American anthropology, saw diffusionism as a corrective to unilineal evolutionary conceptions of culture change, which articulated the development of cultural traits as a product of independent and isolated trial and error rather than as a product of permeable social worlds facilitating cultural exchange. Boas argued as follows:

It would be an error to assume that a cultural trait had its original home in the area in which it is now most strongly developed. Christianity did not originate in Europe or America. The manufacture of iron did not originate in America or northern Europe. It was the same in early times. (Boas, 1932, p. 609)

A fellow critic of cultural evolution perspectives during Boas’s time, Bronislaw Malinowski spent over two years in the Trobriand Islands examining the kula ring, a regional system of exchange that Malinowski (1922) claimed functioned to maintain social solidarity and enhance status among males bestowing necklaces and armbands upon one another. Malinowski is most widely renowned as an early practitioner of participant observation, but Malinowski’s study also required him to practice multi-sited research, which is now seen as a sometimes necessary mode of fieldwork to “follow” translocal phenomena.

Two other anthropologists informed by functionalism and influenced by Malinowski’s study of nonmonetary exchange were Mauss and Ortiz, both of whom produced works that challenged readers to think beyond the local. Mauss’s The Gift (first published in 1923) explored the historical beginnings of translocal systems of exchange that often brought about social cohesion through gift giving and reciprocity. Mauss cited examples of this exchange among groups in the South Pacific region, as well as in North America. Originally published in 1940, Ortiz’s Cuban Counterpoint developed the concept of “transculturation” to describe the different phases of cultural hybridization between ethnically diverse groups (many of whom were arriving from foreign lands) in Cuba under colonialism. Ortiz further argued that the production and export of Cuban commodities like sugar and tobacco came to be deeply entangled with European and U.S. interests.

While the above works demonstrate early insights into the relationships between relatively small populations and an outside world, it is common to read of early 20th-century anthropology’s insular emphasis on closed, internally coherent cultural systems. Leach’s Political Systems of Highland Burma, first published in 1954, was a powerful response to the “bounded” conceptions of cultural change, as he took a regional scale as his point of entry into the indeterminate dynamics of identity formation in Burma. Leach also emphasized the power and creativity of individual actors to shape culture beyond local contexts.

The 1960s and the two decades that followed were formative in the history of anthropology’s engagement with large-scale processes. The political turmoil of the “libratory,” anticolonial wars, and rising nationalism in the global South during the 1960s are commonly cited as the greatest impetuses of this engagement. In addition, a principled dissatisfaction with the trajectory of anthropology and social science disciplines in general informed the reanimation of the Marxist approach known as political economy. Much of this dissatisfaction stemmed from a lack of engagement with political economy’s most central concerns: the nature of material production, class, and power.

Broadly conceived, the political economic approach within anthropology was utilized to understand the relations between large-scale processes of economic and political change and specific (usually subaltern) communities. The anthropological approach was heavily influenced by the “world-systems” theory of sociologist Immanuel Wallerstein and “underdevelopment” perspective of economist Andre Gunder Frank. Both of these thinkers emphasized the imposing gravity of the European- and American-dominated world economy. Concisely, this world economy provided a framework by which Western, or “core,” economies could systematically exploit the non-Western, or “peripheral” nations of the world through the appropriation of their economic surpluses and labor. This perspective laid out a significant critique of economic modernization theory, for both Wallerstein and Frank stressed the causal relationship between worldwide capitalist expansion and subaltern subjugation, or development and underdevelopment.

A common perception among anthropologists sympathetic to political economy was that the “periphery” category was too generalized and unnuanced. Anthropologists believed that their disciplinary proclivities could bring the diverse reactions of “micropopulations” to capitalist penetration into clearer focus and thus provide a more detailed, if not more realistic, explanation of unequal relations of power. Eric Wolf and Sydney Mintz were exemplary in their efforts to conjoin the broad focus of world systems theory with anthropology’s long-established object of study, the social dynamics of the subaltern.

Wolf demonstrated his materialist approach in his influential and ironically titled Europe and the People Without History (1982). The book sought ambitiously to trace the history of capitalism’s expansion and eventual penetration into precapitalist societies, and thus account for the means by which particular non-Western localities were transformed into production sites of primary goods— gold and diamonds in South Africa, coffee in Mexico, and rubber in the Amazon, to name only a few of Wolf’s examples—for Western consumption and profiteering. Wolf’s analytic brush was decidedly broad, as he sought to outline patterns of this expansion and penetration on a massive geographic scale.

Mintz’s Sweetness and Power: The Place of Sugar in Modern History (1985), while geographically narrower in its focus, was nevertheless an ambitious anthropological investigation of the politics of production and consumption between a metropole and colony during the 17th through 19th centuries. Mintz argued that slave labor in the Caribbean was a means for sugar to become a highly valued and common commodity in England. His work is important because it demonstrated that the Caribbean producers of sugar were crucial actors in the shaping of the lifeworlds of metropolitan centers of global capitalism.

Much the same as intellectual forebears like Boas, Malinowski, and Mintz, anthropologists today are apt to favor specificity and variation over generalization and central tendency. Anthropology has, subsequently, tended to shy away from grand theories that can essentialize peoples and characterize histories as predetermined. Indeed, a continued interest of anthropologists is to investigate how individuals and groups negotiate their social worlds in creative and unexpected ways. However, this has not prevented anthropologists from using macro theories as frameworks for inquiry nor from intimating how ethnographic detail is indicative of broader social configurations. The main point is that empirically supported arguments are paramount. This is where long-term, immersed fieldwork has been and remains a central element of anthropological contributions to the scholarship on globalization.

Yet the disciplinary interest in globalization has sparked debate about the future of fieldwork methodology. Indeed, while the ethos of anthropology continues to privilege singlesited fieldwork (as this has long been considered the best means to become versed in the social processes of a given community), many argue that a world of intensifying human relations has left traditional fieldwork approaches outmoded. In an effort to address this challenge, George Marcus (1995) outlined two strategies. The first argues for the use of archival data, as well as macro theory, to situate specific communities or individuals in larger socioeconomic processes. Ann Stoler’s Carnal Knowledge and Imperial Power: Race and the Intimate in Colonial Rule (2002), as well as Fernando Coronil’s The Magical State: Nature, Money, and Modernity in Venezuela (1997) are prominent examples of this approach.

The second method involves moving out from single sites to conduct “multisited” ethnography in order to examine movements of ideas, peoples, and things. Carolyn Nordstrom’s Shadows of War: Violence, Power, and International Profiteering in the Twenty-First Century (2004) takes this as its task, using ethnographic methods to track the mobility of goods and money throughout largescale extralegal exchange systems fueling conflict, marginalization, and profiteering.

While definitions of globalization abound, the greatest differences in such definitions are typically a matter of emphasis. Modern-day political economic anthropologists, for example, clearly emphasize political and economic processes that structure and are structured by landscapes of human interaction. Like Wolf and Mintz, these anthropologists view the political economic approach as a necessary corrective to scholarship that historically turned interconnected people and places into distinctive and disconnected phenomena. A great number of medical anthropologists, for example, call for anthropologists to cast light on the historical and contemporary connections and disconnections within the capitalist world system that bring about human affliction. Both Paul Farmer and Nancy Scheper-Hughes are archetypes of this contemporary political economy of health approach. Paul Farmer’s “An Anthropology of Structural Violence” (2004) outlines the historically deep and geographically broad exploitive relations between Haiti and the United States that have predestined the deaths of Haiti’s impoverished to AIDS and tuberculosis. Nancy Scheper-Hughes’s “The Global Traffic in Human Organs” (2000) argues that economic globalization has facilitated the creation of an extensive market for the illicit harvest and trade of human body parts. Within this market, impoverished populations are targeted by brokers who, with the help of surgeons, turn high profits by selling these human organs and tissues to wealthier consumers in the global North.

Phenomena like these, political economists assert, are associated with the advent of late-modern capitalism— now commonly called “neoliberal globalization.” Neoliberal globalization refers to the predominate theory of free market capitalism, which these analysts argue continues to be the primary engine of globalization. The term neoliberalism itself underscores an important element of the political economic argument—that globalization is a human-made and ideologically driven set of processes.

The focus on neoliberalism is also one manner in which scholars have come to conceptualize how the contemporary moment is fundamentally different from the past. The most clearly articulated and influential starting point for many scholars of this school of thought is David Harvey, a Marxist geographer who in his significant work The Condition of Postmodernity (1989) argued that economic restructuring and associated social and political changes in Western economies in the early 1970s sparked a fundamental reorganization of global commerce that sped up the turnover times of capital. These changes were characterized, according to Harvey, by an increasing sense of spatial attenuation and temporal acceleration in human economic and social relations. Harvey refered to this sensation as time-space compression , which was brought on by the collapse of significant geographic and temporal barriers to commerce. This collapse was a byproduct of an economic experiment promoted during a crisis of capital accumulation and subsequent recession that existing Keynesian fiscal and monetary policies could do little to stop. The experiment involved the transition from the Fordist model of standardized commodity production and its related system of political and social regulation (the dominant mode of capitalism since the end of World War II) to the post-Fordist model of flexible accumulation. The increased velocity and reach of market transactions this new regime of accumulation prompted were realized through substantial innovations in transport and information technologies. Harvey’s 2005 book, A Brief History of Neoliberalism, traces the neoliberal influence behind this shift, arguing that the transition was a political project intended to reinvigorate elite class power and capital accumulation mechanisms.

Perhaps the most recent and representative anthropological effort to further develop this perspective is Jean and John Comaroff’s “Millenial Capitalism: First Thoughts on a Second Coming” (2000). The Comaroffs argue that neoliberal globalization at the turn of the millennium is a process that alienates capital from labor and marshals consumption as the primary shaper of social and economic phenomena like popular civil society discourses, occult economies and religious movements, and global youth cultures.

Much of the anthropological literature on neoliberalism thus far has focused less on the logic and mechanisms of its production and administration (though this is increasingly a field of study, as some anthropologists turn their eyes to understanding the inner workings of institutions like the WTO, IMF, and World Bank), and more on the impact of, and resistances to, neoliberal globalization. June Nash’s Mayan Visions: The Quest for Autonomy in an Age of Globalization (2001) is a representative ethnography of this focus, as is Jeffrey Juris’s Networking Futures: The Movements Against Corporate Globalization (2008).

A second approach to globalization, coming to prominence in the early 1990s, places greater emphasis on anthropology’s most common focus of attention: culture. (See Kearney, 1995, for an excellent summary of perspectives during the early 1990s.) Many proponents of this cultural approach, while acknowledging the world’s deep history of social interaction, tend to stress the fundamental newness of the present, going so far as to describe a new global era. One of these proponents, Arjun Appadurai, writes a radical reply to center-periphery models of political economy and proposes that any framework emphasizing order in the present globalizing world is deluded. Appadurai’s Modernity at Large (1996) understands the new global era as having been brought about by a complex and rapidly changing global cultural economy of exchange. The birth of this new era was facilitated by phenomena like media and migration, and both of these have served to reorganize nationstates and mobility on a global scale. Appadurai proposes that this chaotic world be grasped through five dimensions he calls scapes, or the landscapes across which cultural flows travel: ethnoscapes, mediascapes, technoscapes, financescapes, and ideoscapes. These scapes overlap to constitute the particular lifeworlds of individuals across the world—each lifeworld being wholly individualized. In short, Appadurai posits a disorganized, centerless world in which no single view yields any grasp of larger processes—the ubiquitous flows of ideas, technologies, objects, and images constituting the global cultural economy are nonisomorphic and indeterminate.

A perspective similar to Appadurai’s, and borrowing from Ernesto Laclau, is that of Inda and Rosaldo (2008), who describe the contemporary world as “dislocated.” The use of this term is intended to emphasize that a plurality of centers serve as the hubs of cultural traffic across the globe. This perspective, as well as Appadurai’s, draws on ethnographic examinations of movements of commodities, people, and images and how these movements are perceived, translated, or appropriated by specific groups with whom they come into contact. At first glance, such movements suggest a significant imbalance in international exchange between the global North and South. Indeed, many Western, and indeed American, products like CocaCola, McDonald’s, and films are promptly visible in a variety of contexts far from Europe and North America. It is from these and other observations that analysts have often come to consider cultural imperialism as a force of homogenization that levels cultural difference throughout the world (see Tomlinson, 1991).

Yet cultural homogenization assumes that the essential meaning of a commodity or idea is consistent and universally legible—meaning that, for example, a Sri Lankan teenager will interpret an Indiana Jones film the same way a German teenager might. Subsequently, it could be inferred that the circulation of Western commodities or ideas will have predictable local effects. Anthropologists argue that there is little inevitability in such exchanges. Rather, a consumer applies her or his own cultural perspectives to the interpretation of objects and ideas, culturally tailoring them in the process. Laura Bohannan (1966) discovered as much in the 1960s when she observed a West African production, and subsequent interpretation, of Shakespeare’s Hamlet. Liebes and Katz’s The Export of Meaning: Cross-Cultural Readings of Dallas (1990) is a modern retelling of Bohannan’s experience, demonstrating how the popular American television program Dallas was quite variously received among Moroccan Jews, Russian Jews, and Arabs.

The cultural tailoring described above has, in many instances, become a rather common element of cultural interaction across the world, especially in light of myriad technological advances and their ability to radically compress time and space (see Harvey, 1989). Due to this, many researchers have come to see culture as less stabilized and more diffuse, going so far as to claim that globalization has “deterritorialized” culture.

As argued earlier, many anthropologists have historically mapped culture onto territorially demarcated places, understanding distinctiveness as a product of social structures within supposedly locally bounded spheres. Said differently, place was the container of culture. (For example, the nation-state of China contained “Chinese culture.”) Gupta and Ferguson rebuke these analyses and call for anthropologists to examine how such conceptions produce difference and reinforce unequal relations of power. They further argue that cultural forms cannot be conceptualized as being fastened to specific geographic locations. Rather, the contemporary world is characterized by the freeing of culture from specific localities, and the notion of deterritorialization captures this process.

Deterritorialization also stresses the tension central to the commonly articulated local/global dichotomy. Indeed, as individuals and groups engage with and are shaped by processes that connect their local worlds with others, cultural forms can come to have an impact regardless of whether they originate in the global North or South. Thus, the significance of non-Western cultural forms circulating in contexts outside of their origins should not be underestimated. Examples of this are everywhere visible, from the ethnic cuisine consumed in the global North, to popularly imported and exported religious beliefs like Buddhism, to non-Western modes of dress like headscarves that have engendered much debate in some European countries. This is due to the fact that while cultural forms become unfastened from one locality, they simultaneously fasten themselves to new contexts and can become highly relevant. Anthropologists cite examples like these to suggest that cultural and even political-economic exchange between the North and South can be mutually significant, or “relational” in its character. Hannerz (1996), borrowing from linguistics, referred to this relationality as the “creolization” of the core and periphery.

Further examples of this exchange are human migration and trafficking, which have left many culturally uprooted peoples “reterritorialized” in foreign lands where they navigate new ways of living with aspects of their cultural identity they have carried with them. Analysts often refer to such individuals and groups as transnational, as they move across and between national boundaries. At times, the connections between these “old” and “new” communities are so strong that anthropologists have argued they should be understood as single communities scattered in multiple localities.

Ultimately, the arguments and examples outlined above suggest that the world be viewed as a complex global society composed of interweaving cultural, political, and economic processes and forms. This is not to suggest that globalization engenders a homogenous global population, but rather to recognize the untethered nature and intensified potential of interactions between populations. Anthropologists argue that only continued heterogeneity within this global society can be assumed.

Of course, the discipline has been careful not to assume that movements are experienced by all peoples, things, and ideas or that all experience movements in the same way.

Indeed, many have argued that such processes have left areas and peoples excluded and marginalized. David Graeber (2002) made the point that processes of economic globalization like the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) have in fact tightened many national borders, and he cited numbers suggesting that since NAFTA’s inception in 1992, the number of guards along the border between the United States and Mexico has more than tripled. Moreover, anthropologists like Escobar (2001) have argued that too great a focus on the deterritorialization of culture can obscure processes of place making, as well as the fact that people continue to imagine and build cultural forms that are situated in specific localities.

As intimated earlier, the anthropological commitment to fieldwork has led many researchers to avoid nonempirical assumptions as to what globalization might be or what effects it might engender. Subsequently, the concept of globalization has been disputed by some anthropologists frustrated with its imprecise and assumptive nature. This view is summarized by Cooper (2005), who separates “global” from its affix “ization” to call attention to the term’s problematic insinuations.

The first of these pertains to the scale of globalization— namely, that it is singular and worldwide, that it is something that encompasses the earth. Cooper argues that empirical truths about the world do not reflect the notion of global interconnection. Indeed, vast stretches of the planet, most notably in sub-Saharan Africa, remain largely disconnected from the wider world. As Ferguson (2006) has noted, movements of commodities, images, and ideas tend to hop over these geographic expanses, rather than smoothly envelop them. Equally problematic, according to Cooper, is the fact that a process that is global is everywhere and immeasurable, and therefore of little analytic value.

Second, the affix suggests the “when” of globalization— that it is currently happening, that this is the “global era.” Cooper contends that one must be cautious in asserting that such mobilizations and exchanges are historically novel—or an original product of a contemporary global framework. Such an assertion ignores the fact that massive labor migrations (forced or otherwise) in the past engendered the diverse cultures with which we currently identify. In fact, Cooper has argued that movements of laborers in the 19th century were in fact more substantial than those of the present day. It is therefore more accurately stated that human mobility and interaction have been processes long defining cultures across the globe, though contemporary movements of people continue to create novel cultural dynamics and milieus. Similarly, Tsing (2000) has asserted that theories contending the absolute newness of a global era tend to obscure historical happenings that offer insight into both the past and present.

These analysts call attention to the fact that, due to its magnitude, globalization is a concept that must be imagined rather than directly experienced. Yet this is not to suggest that a singular system is out there—that it is simply a matter of lacking the proper tools to see it in its entirety. A metaphor commonly invoked to describe globalization imagines several blind men examining the extremities of an elephant. One man touches the trunk, another a tusk. Several stroke the elephant’s legs. Each man will argue that he knows what the elephant is, or how the elephant in its entirety appears. Yet due to the size of the elephant and the sensory limitations of the men, none has the ability to know it fully. The problem with this metaphor is that it assumes a singular entity—the elephant—or a coherent framework that one claims to know is there but cannot fully experience. The consensus among critical anthropologists like Cooper and Tsing disputes this, arguing that globalization is an analytic construct, not a coherent world-making system. Moreover, they argue that collecting the variety of exchanges shaping relationships in the world under a single moniker makes for an inadequate analytic category, for it fails to capture the specific mechanisms of interconnection and the histories in which they are embedded. This is a view that rejects a singular world-making system in favor of a pluralization and inconsistency of agendas, projects, and processes. These international projects may be grand in scale, but they are not uniformly consistent or all encompassing. They vary according to the terms of their creation as well as their sites of origin.

These anthropologists call for examining globalization from a critical distance, paying attention to the arguments and mechanisms by which theories of globalization are mobilized. One example of this would be to challenge the exclusively celebratory espousals of globalization—what is often referred to as the “globalist” perspective—that, through popular media information, attempt to influence ideas of wealth and mobility. The power in this information lies in its ability to reproduce a specific logic that many globalist pundits advance—that of globalization’s huge potentiality. This can be misleading, however, as the life of a farmer or laborer in the global South may be so socially and economically constrained as to prevent her from traveling to the closest major city, much less jet-set about the world.

Moreover, the critical distance approach is especially important in light of the fact that influential discourses defining globalization inform the decisions of the world’s powerbrokers, especially transnational governing bodies like the World Bank, IMF, and WTO, as well as powerful nations whose leaders read popular political pundits. It is important to emphasize here that talk about difference can move quickly about the world, mobilizing individuals and institutions to act upon it for the purposes of security, economic profit, stability, and other aspirations. In this sense, talk about globalization, when wielded by actors embedded in complex relations of power, can have very real effects in people’s everyday lives.

By way of example, a number of recent dialogues in North American academic and public circles have focused less on the homogenization of culture (or cultural imperialism) and more on cultural difference, while maintaining that a more or less singular global framework brings about foreseeable effects. This talk articulates a gray zone between globalization’s positive and negative consequences, sketching a context in which cultural heterogeneity and increasing global mobility create both opportunity and threat. These claims to know a singular global system can have powerful effects. On the one hand, recent national best sellers by popular political pundits hail globalization as a force that flattens the world, creating an even playing field for those “willing” to participate. They inform international policy at the World Economic Forum and chastise governments resisting privatization and deregulation of large industries. On the other hand, these works instill a sense of fear in the post–9/11 world, as many nations and groups are depicted as foils to global connection—their own development complicated by dated cultural beliefs and traditions that ultimately threaten to violently derail the future. Thus, while globalization has brought us closer to allies, it has also compressed the world in such a way as to make it more vulnerable to conflict and resistance. Ultimately, these are fears of difference in which cultural heterogeneity, rather than the worldwide “McDonaldization” of societies, is emphasized.

A number of anthropologists have felt compelled to respond to these conceptions of globalization. Besteman and Gusterson’s Why America’s Top Pundits Are Wrong: Anthropologists Talk Back (2005), for example, takes its inspiration from public anthropologists like Boas and Mead and wields an anthropological sensibility with ethnographic evidence to challenge the destructive myths of America’s most popular pundits writing about globalization. The volume’s chapters are written in clear and compelling language, and are thus geared toward a general audience.

Finally, some anthropologists have cast a critical eye on the theoretical underpinnings of anthropological approaches to globalization, calling attention to the problematic gendering of epistemologies attempting to capture large-scale social change. Freeman’s “Is Local: Global as Feminine: Masculine?” (2001) provocatively examines the implications of the partition of masculine macro theories of globalization (which largely ignore gender) and ethnographic approaches to globalization emphasizing locality and gender.

Globalization is a term that has, in many instances, come to replace the older and no less complex notion of “development.” In fact, Edelman and Haugerud (2005) have argued that globalization has replaced the term development as the new action word of contemporary international governance discourse. Not simply a term that describes an inevitable process that is shaping the modern world, globalization, when conflated with development, is a metapolicy guiding the way to social and economic well-being in the global South.

The replacement of development by globalization is also evident in South American contexts like Venezuela and Bolivia, where supposed antiglobalization social movements and nationalization policies have been viewed by many Northern countries and transnational organizations as detrimental to international peace and global economic stability. In contrast, these Northern governing bodies espouse state-led implementation of globalizationfriendly principles for the sake of individual nations’ prosperity, as well as prosperity for the world. Thus, it is by ultimately opening up borders and financially connecting to the wider world that nations soar themselves out of poverty and into the global marketplace, developing in the process.

The two most influential anthropological works on development, Ferguson’s The Anti-Politics Machine (1994) and Escobar’s Encountering Development (1994), challenge this widespread thinking. Ferguson argued that in fact such development schemes usually fail and in the process further embed countries in the exploitative systems that were intended to help them. Ferguson also faulted these schemes for overlooking the social and historical specificities of countries and favoring techomanagerial solutions that are generally applicable to all “developing” countries.

In his influential book, Escobar attempted to denaturalize “development” by situating it in the political aftermath of World War II, when, in 1949, President Harry Truman argued for “developed” nations of the world to systematically restructure the global South, reconfiguring the world in the image of “advanced” nations. Following

Walt Whitman Rostow and his work The Stages of Economic Growth (1960), many policymakers and social scientists in the years following Truman’s speech came to view development as the establishment of preconditions for the “take off ” from traditionality to modernity. Escobar examined how this language and categorization of development problems becomes the official knowledge of international development experts and how this expertise subsequently becomes unanchored to any political, cultural, or historical context. He ultimately argued that this categorization, or naming, of peoples and places as objects of development interventions has devastating material effects: Targeted “underdeveloped” communities are often left worse off than they were prior to the intervention, and in addition, increasingly reliant of foreign aid.

To what extent can it be said that recent transformations have changed how states govern and with what efficacy? Globalist claims have often declared the demise of the state with the dissolving of national borders and the rise of international governing institutions like the WTO, World Bank, and IMF. Yet, as Tsing (2000) noted, this idea assumes that nationstates have been historically consistent and omnipresent.

There is little doubt that the development of international law and institutions upholding it have changed the means by which many states govern their populations. However, proclamations of the global dissolving of nationstates are exaggerated, according to anthropologists. This does not mean that states have not changed at all. Indeed, contrary to the traditional doctrine of sovereignty, many states are now held accountable by international authorities and in many instances are forced to comply with their policies. The degree to which such states are actually constrained and reshaped by international institutions varies, of course, from context to context. (Merry’s 2006 overview of anthropology’s engagement with international law is instructive on the above points.) Thus, one could argue that the sovereignty of states in the present has been to a large degree reorganized, if not in many instances greatly circumscribed. Sharma and Gupta (2005), in their important volume The Anthropology of the State, argued that “sovereignty can no longer be seen as the sole purview or ‘right’ of the modern state but is, instead, partially disentangled from the nation-state and mapped onto supra-national and non-governmental organizations” (p. 7).

The shifting nature of governance and states at present comes to heavily bear on conceptions of citizenship within countries. Many anthropologists argue that globalization has reformulated many notions of and policies pertaining to citizenship. Ong (1999), for example, used the term flexible citizenship to grasp how individuals and groups deploy various strategies to evade, as well as profit from, various national regimes of citizenship. Ong argues that the elite, flexible Chinese citizens have discarded traditional notions of nationalism in favor of a “postnational ethos” that transcends national boundaries for the sake of participation in the global capitalist market.

When considering the various viewpoints outlined above, it is important to remember that anthropologists’ commitment to fieldwork and the empirical evidence it produces significantly informs their perception of the global. Said succinctly, where anthropologists work shapes their perspective on globalization. It is not surprising to find, then, that the most influential anthropologists working in sub-Saharan Africa talk of global disconnection, while many working in the metropolitan cities of India stress the interconnection brought about by a global cultural economy. Due to this, it should equally be stressed that every view of the global is always a view from somewhere. There is no perch from which an analyst can ascertain the world from an objective, comprehensive position.

Yet the contrasts in the above perspectives are highly positive in that they produce a creative tension that thwarts stagnation in favor of fresh approaches and directions for the study of globalization. One product of this tension has been an active emphasis on “studying up,” or turning a critical eye to national and international institutions and actors whose projects aim to influence social and economic change. The recent anthropological concentration on the predominate economic philosophy of the present—neoliberalism—is laudable in this regard. Important recent works—like Ong and Collier’s Global Assemblages (2005); Petryna, Lakoff, and Kleinman’s Global Pharmaceuticals (2006); and Fisher and Downey’s Frontiers of Capital (2006)—take states, transnational governing bodies like the World Bank and WTO, human rights NGOs, corporations, and even powerful individuals like the U.S. chairman of the Federal Reserve as objects of ethnographic analysis.

Furthermore, the means by which anthropologists go about examining these objects, as well as the way they write about them, is changing. The fact that anthropologists are increasingly turning their focus to the world’s powerbrokers means that they take the discourses and policies of these powerbrokers very seriously. This is all the more important because anthropologists tend to disagree with these discourses and policies and subsequently wish to dispute them. Yet in order to successfully dispute them, anthropologists must write for audiences outside of the discipline. Two works already mentioned, Why America’s Top Pundits Are Wrong and Global Shadows: Africa in the Neoliberal World Order, are prominent examples of this endeavor.

All told, the above discussion signals a much more general development in which anthropologists are increasingly seeking to bring their disciplinary perspective to bear on public discussions of globalization. Anthropology is one among many disciplines that can greatly contribute to this ongoing discussion.

Bibliography:

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Globalization, Term Paper Example

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“Social change is now proceeding so rapidly that if a social scientist had proposed as recent as 15 years ago to write a book about globalization they would have had to overcome a wall of stony and bemused comprehension.”(Globalization, 2001) Although the word ‘global’ is over 400 years old,the common usage of such words as ‘globalization’, ‘globalize’ and ‘globalizing’  didn`t begin until the early 1960 th . The definition of globalization has changed with the years including more and more specific features, starting from the general dictionaries and ending up with the WWW, where more than two or three hundred definitions from more than 101 thousand websites can be found. “Globalization is a process of interacting and integration among the people, companies, and governments of different nations, a process driven by international trade and investment and aided by information technology.”(Globalization, 2008)

The discussion of economic aspectalong with multidimensional set of social processes is one of the significant parts of any integral account of globalization. In fact, the transformative powers of globalization affect deeply the economic, political, cultural, technological, and ecological dimensions of contemporary social life.

The economic sense of globalization can be studied on the example of multinational companies and brands which influence all aspects of our lives. It is a common knowledge that the process itself refers to all of the competitors, who are involved, and today the global trade seems to widen greatly as the pragmatic calculations broaden the national economies.

As far as I`m concerned, Wal-Mart is one the most competitive and intense partakersall over the world. Launched on July 2, 1962 as the Discount city store, Wal-Mart sky rocked up to over two million employees, more than 6200 stores and the record $408.21 revenue. Figures are phenomenal, so is the influence Wal-Mart has on the whole economy of the United States. The “Save Money Live Better” slogan is of extreme benefit to the customer, but when it comes to the vendors, they always face extreme challenge when operating with the giant. Over the years Wal-Mart has become so powerful that there is hardly any supplier, who didn`t think of mutually beneficial cooperation. There are lots of examples when it had become a desperate need and the only redemption for the companies to sign up a contract even if it was far from what they were expecting. Companies just have to obey the rules set up by Wal-Mart, if not the shelves of the supermarket will be used in another way. In my opinion the passage is a bright example of how the ‘globalization’ influences the development modern business. Wal-Mart has reached a point when it makes own rules, outsources the manufacturers, implements environmental measures, makes companies change their policies and for sure the vast boost of the ‘global’ business development.

Having the economic backbone ‘globalization’ meets no borders and eventually moves to the most economically profitable places. I was taken aback by the article about the Galesbourg Maytag plant closure and the fact that from the economic point of view it was an unavoidable measure. Companies like Maytag outsource the production out of country and from the first view the case of the Galesbourg Maytag plant is local in its size,however over 2.7 manufacturing jobs are lost for last decade. Shifts out of the country benefit Mexico and China and as a result the record $600 billion trade deficit and as a consequence the fallen value of dollar is definitely to be considered as a drawback. Despite the fact that the union made an effort to increase productivity and the Maytag was still profitable, the position has dropped. The laid-off workers have to make both ends meet by working as a welder or compete with their kids for Wal-Mart jobs for example. Overall, the article depicts us the severe truth of today`s business realities.

Medical tourism is nothing new and it is likely for the most sophisticated folks to visit specific professionals from another country or their choice depends on the unique specialties the place offers. But when talking about the medical tourism to Bangkok or New Dehli, personally I find it absolutely amusing. The medical system of the United States is doubtless cutting edge and for sure if it was the question of service most of the Americans wouldn`t even try to find alternatives, but when it comes to the actual price, the situation changes a lot. It turns out that some people would rather fly thousands of miles away to spend less money for the surgeries that couldn`t afford here in the United States. For most of the Americans the benefits of the medical tourism cannot be denied as they have an opportunity to save money, get acquainted with new culture and for most of them it is a chance of a lifetime. Becoming more and more popular, the hospitals pay attention to their reputation as they apply for the accreditation, contribute a lot in the overall impression of the visitors and there is no wonder why the trend accelerates a lot. What is more, medical outsourcing is becoming one of the popular forms of business as the executives report the increasing figures as the time frame reduced significantly and there is no longer a probability to wait for a year or more. It seems to me if pointing out the definite advantages of globalization, medical tourism is one of the blessings the modern world offers us. Personally I think that health is the most important god given gifts and the fact that we have an opportunity to choose makes me feel proud.

All in all the prime goal of my term paper is to decide whether globalization is a force for good or bad and that’s a tricky question, for sure “the globalization has transformed the nature of economic activity.” (Globalization: a critical introduction,2000) Working on the paper I realized that it is rather hard to figure out all pros and cons of globalization just by learning the theory, as the real life examples show us how rich the meaning of globalization is. From my point of view, if taking into consideration the challenge that is forcing the global development and increases our life standards, I`d say that pluses overweigh minuses. Unfortunately, it is next to impossible to avoid drawbacks as some of the cases seem not to be that positive and show us the reverse side of the medal. Still we have to admit the fact that globalization is taking over and having own opinion about this process is an indispensible part of building a successful future.

Donald J. Boudreaux (2008). Globalization (1 st Ed.). Westport, CT.

Jan Aart Scholte (2000). Globalization (1 st Ed.). London

Malcolm Waters (2001). Globalization (2 nd Ed.). New York, NY

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Black History Month: What is it and why is it important?

Black History Month - A visitor at the National Museum of African American History and Culture in Washington.

Black History Month is an opportunity to understand Black histories. Image:  Reuters/Siphiwe Sibeko

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term paper about globalization

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This article was originally published in February 2021 and has been updated .

  • A continued engagement with history is vital as it helps give context for the present.
  • Black History Month is an opportunity to understand Black histories, going beyond stories of racism and slavery to spotlight Black achievement.
  • This year's theme is African Americans and the Arts.

February is Black History Month. This month-long observance in the US and Canada is a chance to celebrate Black achievement and provide a fresh reminder to take stock of where systemic racism persists and give visibility to the people and organizations creating change. Here's what to know about Black History Month and how to celebrate it this year:

Have you read?

Black history month: key events in a decade of black lives matter, here are 4 ways businesses can celebrate black history month, how did black history month begin.

Black History Month's first iteration was Negro History Week, created in February 1926 by Carter G. Woodson, known as the "father of Black history." This historian helped establish the field of African American studies and his organization, the Association for the Study of Negro Life and History , aimed to encourage " people of all ethnic and social backgrounds to discuss the Black experience ".

“Those who have no record of what their forebears have accomplished lose the inspiration which comes from the teaching of biography and history.” ― Carter G. Woodson

His organization was later renamed the Association for the Study of African American Life and History (ASALH) and is currently the oldest historical society established for the promotion of African American history.

Why is Black History Month in February?

February was chosen by Woodson for the week-long observance as it coincides with the birthdates of both former US President Abraham Lincoln and social reformer Frederick Douglass. Both men played a significant role in helping to end slavery. Woodson also understood that members of the Black community already celebrated the births of Douglass and Lincoln and sought to build on existing traditions. "He was asking the public to extend their study of Black history, not to create a new tradition", as the ASALH explained on its website.

How did Black History Month become a national month of celebration?

By the late 1960s, thanks in part to the civil-rights movement and a growing awareness of Black identity, Negro History Week was celebrated by mayors in cities across the country. Eventually, the event evolved into Black History Month on many college campuses. In 1976, President Gerald Ford officially recognized Black History month. In his speech, President Ford urged Americans to “seize the opportunity to honor the too-often neglected accomplishments of Black Americans in every area of endeavor throughout our history”.

Since his administration, every American president has recognized Black History Month and its mission. But it wasn't until Congress passed "National Black History Month" into law in 1986 that many in the country began to observe it formally. The law aimed to make all Americans "aware of this struggle for freedom and equal opportunity".

Why is Black History Month celebrated?

Initially, Black History Month was a way of teaching students and young people about Black and African-Americans' contributions. Such stories had been largely forgotten and were a neglected part of the national narrative.

Now, it's seen as a celebration of those who've impacted not just the country but the world with their activism and achievements. In the US, the month-long spotlight during February is an opportunity for people to engage with Black histories, go beyond discussions of racism and slavery, and highlight Black leaders and accomplishments.

What is this year's Black History Month theme?

Every year, a theme is chosen by the ASALH, the group originally founded by Woodson. This year's theme, African Americans and the Arts .

"In the fields of visual and performing arts, literature, fashion, folklore, language, film, music, architecture, culinary and other forms of cultural expression, the African American influence has been paramount," the website says.

Is Black History Month celebrated anywhere else?

In Canada, they celebrate it in February. In countries like the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, and Ireland, they celebrate it in October. In Canada, African-Canadian parliament member Jean Augustine motioned for Black History Month in 1995 to bring awareness to Black Canadians' work.

When the UK started celebrating Black History Month in 1987, it focused on Black American history. Over time there has been more attention on Black British history. Now it is dedicated to honouring African people's contributions to the country. Its UK mission statement is: "Dig deeper, look closer, think bigger".

Why is Black History Month important?

For many modern Black millennials, the month-long celebration for Black History Month offers an opportunity to reimagine what possibilities lie ahead. But for many, the forces that drove Woodson nearly a century ago are more relevant than ever. As Lonnie G. Bunch III, Director of the Smithsonian Institution said at the opening of the Washington D.C.'s National Museum of African American History and Culture in 2016: “There is no more powerful force than a people steeped in their history. And there is no higher cause than honouring our struggle and ancestors by remembering".

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World Economic Forum articles may be republished in accordance with the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International Public License, and in accordance with our Terms of Use.

The views expressed in this article are those of the author alone and not the World Economic Forum.

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  1. Term Paper: Impact of Globalization

    Economic globalization is creating a reciprocal sharing of cultures, and in comparing the variations between the work of Hofstede relative to the writings of Freidman, the foundational elements of how cultural interchanges are seen from both a behavioral as well as a cultural one are evident.

  2. Globalization

    Dani Rodrik Jagdish Bhagwati globalization, integration of the world's economies, politics, and cultures. German-born American economist Theodore Levitt has been credited with having coined the term globalization in a 1983 article titled "The Globalization of Markets."

  3. Globalization' Economic and Political Dimensions Term Paper

    Globalization' Economic and Political Dimensions Term Paper Exclusively available on IvyPanda Updated: Dec 6th, 2023 Table of Contents Introduction Globalization, in the contemporary era, is often regarded as revolutionary to political, social and economic structures globally.

  4. Globalization: The Concept, Causes, and Consequences

    The Concept. It is the world economy which we think of as being globalized. We mean that the whole of the world is increasingly behaving as though it were a part of a single market, with interdependent production, consuming similar goods, and responding to the same impulses. Globalization is manifested in the growth of world trade as a ...

  5. Globalization: What Globalization Is and Its Impact Essay

    Globalization is a complex phenomenon that has a big influence on various fields of human life, including economics, society, and culture. Even though trade between countries has existed since time immemorial, in the 21st-century, globalization has become an integral part of the world's development. While businesses try to expand on a global ...

  6. PDF Globalization and Environment

    Globalization and Environment Theodore Panayotou Abstract Economic globalization impacts the environment and sustainable development in a wide variety of ways and through a multitude of channels. The purpose of this paper is (a) to identify the key links between globalization and environment; (b) to identify the major issues addressed in

  7. Term Paper: Globalization

    A term paper on globalization explains the process of organizing the world into a single integrated marketing unit, the three phases of globalization (1870-1913, 1945-1973, and 1974-now), and the five main types of globalization (economic, production, cultural, information, and ecological). It also covers the factors affecting and affecting globalization, the advantages and disadvantages of globalization, and the measurement of globalization.

  8. Research Guides: Globalization: A Resource Guide: Introduction

    Even though the term 'globalization' came into more common use in the 1980s, it is not a 20th century phenomenon. This guide offers sources for exploring the history of globalization that can be traced back for centuries.

  9. Globalization, de-globalization, and re-globalization: Some historical

    In this essay, I provide some historical context to the recent era of "hyper-globalization." I then present multiple factors—economic, social, political, technological, and governance-related—that collectively explain why globalization has peaked and is on the retreat.

  10. Globalization

    Globalization is a term used to describe how trade and technology have made the world into a more connected and interdependent place. Globalization also captures in its scope the economic and social changes that have come about as a result.

  11. READ: Introduction to Globalization (article)

    Globalization has touched all aspects of human existence. In the modern era, voluntary migration as well as forced migration have resulted in a diverse human population in many parts of the world. America, which is often called a "melting pot", is a prime example of how the mass movement of people has shaped the modern world.

  12. Globalization

    In this initial sense of the term, globalization refers to the spread of new forms of non-territorial social activity (Ruggie 1993; Scholte 2000). Second, theorists conceive of globalization as linked to the growth of social interconnectedness across existing geographical and political boundaries.

  13. Globalization Concepts and Importance Term Paper

    Pankaj, G. (2007). Why the world isn't flat. Foreign Policy, 1 (159), 54-69. Vandana, S. (2005). The polarized world of globalization. Web. This term paper, "Globalization Concepts and Importance" is published exclusively on IvyPanda's free essay examples database. You can use it for research and reference purposes to write your own paper.

  14. Term Paper on Globalization

    A term paper on globalization that discusses the concept, its development, and its perspectives from different theoretical perspectives. The paper covers the history, the features, and the challenges of globalization, as well as the role of fordism, post fordism, post modernity, and postcolonialism in the contemporary world.

  15. Globalization Term Paper Examples That Really Inspire

    This term paper is going to deal with the concept of globalization and inequality. The terms 'globalization' and 'inequality' are going to be well defined and their minor relation identified. After that, the relation of the two terms with capitalism in the liberation theory is going to be well examined.

  16. Term Paper: Economic Globalization

    Globalization, if Explained in Economic Terms Term Paper … Globalization, if explained in economic terms, is the ever-increasing inter-dependence of the national economies of countries all over the world on the cross-border movement of goods, services, technology, capital and… Pages: 5 (1806 words) · Type: Term Paper · Bibliography Sources: 5

  17. PDF Research Paper No. 2006/29

    globalization is an appropriate theme. It is even more appropriate, perhaps, with a question mark at the end. The object of this essay is to reflect on development in prospect, not retrospect, situated in the wider international context of globalization. In doing so, it shall, of course, address the question posed in the title.

  18. TERM Paper 1

    As globalization is described as the growing interdependence, it conceptualized the promotion of economic growth, the production of resources more efficiently, and lower prices of goods and services, making them affordable for low-income households.

  19. Globalization Research Paper

    How to Write a Research Paper. This sample globalization research paper features: 6400 words (approx. 20 pages), an outline, and a bibliography with 45 sources. Browse other for more inspiration. If you need a thorough research paper written according to all the academic standards, you can always turn to our experienced writers for help.

  20. Globalization, Term Paper Example

    "Globalization is a process of interacting and integration among the people, companies, and governments of different nations, a process driven by international trade and investment and aided by information technology." (Globalization, 2008)

  21. Globalization

    OUTLINE OF CHAPTER 1: GLOBALIZATION Opening Case: Flat Panel Televisions and the Global Economy Introduction What is Globalization? The Globalization of Markets The Globalization of Production Country Focus: Outsourcing American Healthcare The Emergence of Global Institutions

  22. Black History Month: What is it and why do we need it?

    February was chosen by Woodson for the week-long observance as it coincides with the birthdates of both former US President Abraham Lincoln and social reformer Frederick Douglass. Both men played a significant role in helping to end slavery. Woodson also understood that members of the Black community already celebrated the births of Douglass and Lincoln and sought to build on existing traditions.